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کون کہتا ہے پاکستان آزاد جمہوری ریاست نہیں
وسعت اللہ خان

اگر میں غلط نہیں ہوں تو پاکستان اس وقت دنیا کے اُن گنے چنے ممالک میں شامل ہے جہاں نا کتابی جمہوریت ہے اور نا ننگی آمریت بلکہ یہ ممالک مینیو سسٹم کے تحت کام کررہے ہیں۔
فرد سے لے کر حکومت تک جب چاہیں، جیسے چاہیں اور جس وقت چاہیں پسند کے مصالحوں سے اپنی مرضی کی زندگی کا پیزا تخلیق کرسکتے ہیں۔مثلاً
رہائشی مینیو!
اگر آپ بے صلاحیت ہیں تو فٹ پاتھ، گھاس، جھونپڑی یا کسی بھی زیرِ تعمیر یا خالی بلڈنگ میں رہ سکتے ہیں۔اگر آپ باصلاحیت ہیں تو سرکاری و نجی اراضی پر کلاشنکوف لہرا کے اپنی سکت کے اعتبار سے مکان یا مکانات بنا سکتے ہیں۔ کلاشنکوف میّسر نا ہو تو کسی بھی سیاسی جماعت یا گروہ کا جھنڈا بطور کلاشنکوف بلند کرسکتے ہیں۔جائز زاتی مکان میں بھی رہ سکتے ہیں اور ہمت ہے تو کرائے کے مکان کو بھی ذاتی تصور کرسکتے ہیں۔
آپ اپنی رہائش کا بندوبست کسی بھی شکل میں کریں ریاست کو کوئی اعتراض نہیں کیونکہ ریاست بھی تو یہی چاہتی ہے کہ ہر شہری کے سر پر سائبان ہو چاہے کسی بھی شکل و صورت میں ہو۔
صحت و تعلیم کا مینیو!
ہر شہری کو حق ہے کہ وہ اپنی پسندیدہ سواری کا انتخاب کرے۔ریاست صرف یہ چاہتی ہے کہ شہریوں کا حقِ سفر پامال نا ہو اور کرائے کی کمی بیشی، ٹرانسپورٹ کے معیار اور نظام الاوقات کے معاملات آزاد منڈی کے اصول طے کریں۔
ریاست ہر شہری کو صحت مند دیکھنا چاہتی ہے ۔لہذا ہر شہری کا حق ہے کہ وہ اپنا علاج خود کرے یا سرکاری اسپتال کی پرچی پر کالا شربت حاصل کرے، بستر پر لیٹے کہ برآمدے میں پسر جائے۔ ہومیو پیتھی کا سہارا لے کہ جادو ٹونے یا دم درود کا۔ کسی پیر فقیر کے مزار پر جاکے پڑ جائے یا نجی اسپتال میں داخل ہوجائے یا اپنے یا سرکاری خرچے پر بیرونِ ملک چلا جائے، بھلے ایک نمبر دوا خریدے یا دو نمبر۔ مریض کتنی فیس دے سکتا ہے اور ڈاکٹر کتنی فیس لے سکتا ہے یہ خالصتاً مریض اور معالج کا معاملہ ہے۔ ریاست کا کام صرف اتنا ہے کہ وہ مریض اور معالج کی آزادی کا تحفظ کرے۔
یہی مینیو تعلیم کے شعبے کے لئے بھی ہے۔ مکتب سکول، پیلا سکول، اردو میڈیم، انگلش میڈیم، ایک نمبر ڈگری، دو نمبر ڈگری جیسی جس کی جیب ویسی تعلیم اور ویسا روزگار۔۔۔۔ ریاست مکمل غیر جانبدار ہے۔
ٹرانسپورٹ مینیو!
ہر شہری کو حق ہے کہ وہ اپنی پسندیدہ سواری کا انتخاب کرے۔اگر وہ کسی ٹرین کے چوبیس گھنٹے لیٹ ہونے کو سہہ سکتا ہے تو ٹرین سے سفر کرے۔ چاہے تو اکہری سڑک پر ایک سو بیس کلومیٹر کی رفتار سے دوڑنے والی بین الا اضلاعی بسوں میں بیٹھ جائے یا ویگن کی چھت اور پائیدان سے لٹک جائے۔ پیسے ہوں تو رکشے، ٹیکسی اور جہاز کا سہارا لے لے ورنہ پیدل، گدھے یا اونٹ پر روانہ ہوجائے۔
ریاست صرف یہ چاہتی ہے کہ شہریوں کا حقِ سفر پامال نا ہو اور کرائے کی کمی بیشی، ٹرانسپورٹ کے معیار اور نظام الاوقات کے معاملات آزاد منڈی کے اصول طے کریں۔
انصاف کا مینیو!
ریاست کا مقصد تو انصاف کی شفاف فراہمی ہے۔
ہر شہری، پولیس اور حساس اداروں کا یہ حق عملاً تسلیم کیا جاتا ہے کہ وہ چاہے تو اپنے طور پر ملزم کو سزائے موت سمیت کوئی بھی سزا دے سکتا ہے یا مروجہ قانونی راستہ بھی اختیار کرسکتا ہے۔اگر تھانے میں ایف آئی آر درج کرواسکتا ہے تو کروا لے۔ پرچہ کٹنے سے پہلے مُک مُکا کرنا چاہتا ہے یا پرچے میں ردّوبدل کروانے کی سکت رکھتا ہے تو یہ بھی کرلے۔
انگریزی، شرعی، قبائلی اور ایف سی آر قوانین میں سے انتخاب کا مینیو بھی موجود ہے۔ چاہے تو کوئی بھی ادارہ یا شہری عدالت یا عدالتی فیصلہ مانے یا دل نا مانے تو نا مانے۔
ریاست کا مقصد تو انصاف کی شفاف فراہمی ہے۔ اس قدر شفاف کہ نظر ہی نا آئے۔
انتظامی مینیو!
ہر شہری کو حق ہے کہ وہ کمشنریٹ نظام کے تحت زندگی بسر کرے یا بلدیاتی نظام میں سانس لے۔کنٹونمنٹ کے قوانین کو اپنائے یا شہری انتظامیہ سے رجوع کرے۔ بندوق بردار وڈیرے کی سنے یا شہروں میں ڈاکو راج کے تحت رہے۔ جان و مال و کاروبار کا خود تحفظ کرے یا کسی کو بھتہ دے کر گلو خلاصی کروائے۔ چاہے تو ایمانداری سے نوکری کرکے اوپر والوں کی ناراضگی کا مقابلہ کرے یا کتّے سے وفاداری کا سبق سیکھ لے۔
جدید جمہوری ریاست وہ ہوتی ہے جہاں شہریوں کو ہر شعبے میں مکمل آزادی اور ملٹی پل چوائسز میّسر ہوں اور ریاست کی مداخلت کم سے کم ہو۔اگر یہ تشریح درست ہے تو پھر کون کہتا ہے کہ پاکستان ایک جدید آزاد جمہوری ریاست نہیں۔۔۔۔

مجھے بات نہیں کرنی!
وسعت اللہ خان

مجھے آج ایسے ممالک اور معاشروں کی بات ہی نہیں کرنی جو دو ہزار گیارہ کی دنیا میں بھی دائرے میں چلتے رہنے کو سفر جانتے ہیں، کنوئیں میں پڑے کتے پر کپڑا ڈال کے سمجھتے ہیں کہ پانی پاک ہوگیا، گندگی کے ڈھیر کو پہاڑی کی شکل دے کر اسے خوشبودار مٹی سے لیپ دیتے ہیں۔
جو دل سے قائل ہیں کہ ان کی ننانوے فیصد غلطیوں اور غفلتوں کے ذمہ دار دوسرے ہیں۔ اگر وہ یہ یہ یہ یہ نہ کرتے تو ہم بھی وہ وہ وہ نہ کرتے۔ جنہوں نے دماغ کو تاریک قید خانے میں ڈال کر دل کو اس کا دربان مقرر کردیا ہے۔ جو شک کے پانی کو آبِ حیات سمجھتے ہیں۔
جو اپنے کرتوتوں کو خدا کے سر منڈھ کر عذابِ الہی کا نوحہ پڑھتے ہیں اور اگلے ہی لمحے پھر سے پھنے خان بن کر فرضی و اصلی دشمنوں کو خلط ملط کرکے ہوا میں تلوار بازی شروع کردیتے ہیں اور اپنے ہی دادیوں سے واہ واہ سن کر سمجھتے ہیں کہ پالا مار لیا بھئی!
مجھے صرف ان ممالک کی بات کرنی ہے جہاں غلطی کو غلطی ، غفلت کو غفلت اور جرم کو جرم تسلیم کرکے خود احتسابی کے نشتر سے پوسٹ مارٹم کیا جاتا ہے تاکہ سارا کھاتہ صاف کرکے نئے ارادے اور عزم کے ساتھ آگے بڑھا جا سکے۔
جیسے ترک، جنہوں نے اکیانوے برس پہلے طے کرلیا کہ ہوسِ ملک گیری ایسا اژدھا ہے جو آخر میں خود ہی کو نگل جاتا ہے۔غلام بنانے والا بالاخر خود بھی غلامی کی دھلیز پر پہنچ جاتا ہے۔ بہتر یہی ہے کہ بکھرنے سے پہلے خود کو سمیٹ کر جدید نظامِ زندگی کے منفی پہلوؤں سے بچتے ہوئے مثبت مثالوں سے استفادہ کیا جائے اور دوسروں کو خود داری کا درس دینے سے پہلے یہ سبق خود پر نافذ کیا جائے۔اس کے بعد ترکی نے پیچھے مڑ کر نہیں دیکھا۔
آج مجھے نہ تو سن پینسٹھ کی پاکستان انڈیا جنگ، سن اکہتر کی جنگِ بنگلہ دیش، سن نواسی کے تباہ کن جلال آباد حملے، سن ننانوے کی کرگل لڑائی اور دو ہزار پانچ کے عبدالقدیر خان نیٹ ورک سکینڈل کے ذمہ داروں پر کوئی بات کرنی ہے اور نہ ہی اسامہ کے ڈرامہ پر کچھ کہنا ہے۔جیسے جرمن ، جو سن پینتالیس کے بعد اس نتیجے پر پہنچ گئے کہ اب باہر والوں سے نہیں لڑنا۔اپنے آپ سے لڑنا ہے اور ایسا سماج تشکیل دینا ہے جہاں دوبارہ کوئی قیصر، کوئی ہٹلر اور کوئی گوئبلز جنم نہ لے سکے۔جہاں صرف تعلیمی سمر کیمپ اور کھلاڑیوں کے کیمپ بنیں کوئی کنسنٹریشن کیمپ نہ بن سکے۔
جیسے جاپانی، جنہوں نے چھپن برس پہلے خود پر ایٹم بم گرنے کے بعد پوری دنیا کو اپنی چراگاہ سمجھنے کی ذہنیت ترک کرکے آئین سے جارحیت کا لفظ ہی کھرچ ڈالا اور خود سے مباحثہ کرکے اس نتیجے پر پہنچے کہ جنگ اب ہتھیار سے نہیں صنعت ، ایجاد اور جدیدیت کے ذریعے لڑنی ہے۔
جیسے کیوبن ، جنہوں نے باون برس پہلے قسم کھائی کہ اب امریکہ سے نہ کچھ لینا ہے نہ دینا ہے۔ اپنی محنت پر تکیہ کرنا ہے۔ معیارِ زندگی بڑھے گا تو ایک ایک شہری کا بڑھے گا۔ نہیں بڑھے گا تو کسی کا نہیں بڑھے گا۔ دوست صرف اسے بنانا ہے جو دوستی کے پردے میں قومی معیشت و خود داری کو ریپ نہ کرے ۔کسی بھی دوستی کو بیساکھی نہیں بننے دینا ہے۔
اس وقت مجھے کچھ افراد بھی یاد آرہے ہیں جنہوں نے اپنی ناکامیوں کو کامیابی کی چادر میں نہیں لپیٹا اور خود کو جزا و سزا کے عمل کے حوالے کردیا۔
جیسے سن چھپن کی جنگِ سویز میں برطانیہ کو جھونکنے والے وزیرِ اغطم انتھونی ایڈن نے ذمہ داری قبول کرتے ہوئے پانچ برس کی مدت پوری کرنے کی ضد نہیں کی اور استعفیٰ دے دیا۔
مجھے صرف ان ممالک کی بات کرنی ہے جہاں غلطی کو غلطی ، غفلت کو غفلت اور جرم کو جرم تسلیم کرکے خود احتسابی کے نشتر سے پوسٹ مارٹم کیا جاتا ہے تاکہ سارا کھاتہ صاف کرکے نئے ارادے اور عزم کے ساتھ آگے بڑھا جا سکے۔جیسے سن باسٹھ میں چین سے لڑائی میں شکست کی ذمہ داری قبول کرتے ہوئے بھارتی وزیرِ دفاع کرشنا مینن نے استعفی دے دیا اور وزیرِ اعظم جواہر لال نہرو نے پارلیمنٹ کے فلور پر اعتراف کیا کہ شکست کی وجہ یہ ہے کہ ہم سوئے ہوئے تھے اور اپنے ہی خوابوں کی دنیا میں تھے۔
جیسے سن سڑسٹھ کی جنگ میں اسرائیل سے شکستِ فاش کھانے والے مصری کمانڈر فیلڈ مارشل عبدالحکیم عامر نے مارے غیرت کے خودکشی کرلی۔ جمال عبدالناصر نے صدارت سے استعفی دے دیا۔ لاکھوں مصریوں نے انکے محل کا گھیراؤ کرکے استعفی واپس لینے پر مجبور تو کردیا لیکن ناصر اندر سے مرچکا تھا۔ڈیڑھ برس بعد اس کے دل نے بھی زندگی سے استعفیٰ دے دیا۔
جیسے سن چوہتر میں رچرڈ نکسن نے واٹر گیٹ اسکینڈل کی ریکارڈنگز کو جعلی یا اپنی منتخب صدارت کے خلاف غیر ملکی سازش قرار دینے کی کوشش نہیں کی۔ اعتراف کیا کہ ہاں یہ سب کچھ ہوا ہے اور بحثیت صدر میں ذمہ دار ہوں اور نکسن نے کانگریس کےسامنے مواخذے سے پہلے ہی استعفی دے دیا۔
آج مجھے نہ تو سن پینسٹھ کی پاکستان انڈیا جنگ، سن اکہتر کی جنگِ بنگلہ دیش، سن نواسی کے تباہ کن جلال آباد حملے، سن ننانوے کی کرگل لڑائی اور دو ہزار پانچ کے عبدالقدیر خان نیٹ ورک سکینڈل کے ذمہ داروں پر کوئی بات کرنی ہے اور نہ ہی اسامہ کے ڈرامہ پر کچھ کہنا ہے۔

The cries of religious minorities of Pakistan are crossing the border

By:Nasir Saeed

The issue of the blasphemy law is still making headlines in the national and international media and it seems that it is no more simply a local issue but has crossed over our borders and into the consciousness of the world’s religious and political leaders.

First, Pope Benedict XVIII asked the Government of Pakistan to change or repeal the law and release Asia Bibi. This was followed quickly by similar calls from Theresa May, the British home minister, and now even the European Union, representing 29 European states.They do so out of deep concern that the blasphemy law is being misused on a regular basis and is a tool for radicals to persecute minorities. They are not unaware that the blasphemy law is as good as a licence for extremists to kill innocent people.For years now, minorities have demanded a change to the law and yet the government has done nothing. Either it has no interest in the suffering of minorities or it is too scared of extremists to show any – I suspect the latter.With the murder of Salmaan Taseer, the government has as good as conceded that change is impossible and decided not to even try after facing strong opposition by the religious political parties and groups, although it has formed a committee of religious leaders to calm down the situation.The government should not be fearful of religious groups but instead use this opportunity wisely to bring about the change that is right.The Government seems to be in a difficult situation. On the one hand they are facing internal pressure from the Deeni Ithehad (a bloc of religious groups) who are continually rallying against any changes to the blasphemy law. On the other hand, foreign pressure is slowly mounting for changes to occur.

The Pope has now in recent months twice asked the Pakistani Government to change the blasphemy law. In the past he has expressed his concern over the unfair treatment of Christians and as one who speaks for Christians worldwide, it is imperative that he continues to speak out. He is not speaking simply about the plight of Pakistani Christians but the millions of Christians being persecuted worldwide and especially in Muslim countries.Christians are grateful but it has annoyed the Muslim world, especially Pakistani Muslims, and they are continuing to protest and organise rallies. They are asking the Pope to withdraw his statements but the Vatican has said they have no intention of changing their policy. The Vatican will continue to respond to the cries of the persecuted Christians and advocating for religious freedom in the Middle East too.

Stefan Muller, German parliamentarian, has also expressed his concern over Christian persecution in Muslim countries and has asked to reduce the grants given to those countries where Christians are being persecuted. In Britain, Theresa May has asked Pakistan to change the blasphemy law.So far I have seen no reaction to these demands in the Pakistani media, while opposition leader, Chaudhry Nisar has had no problem in gaining coverage for his strong condemnation of the European Union’s statement of the European Union asking Pakistan to amend the blasphemy law and release Aasia Bibi.

Chaudhry Nisar is irritated by the murmurs coming from the EU and what he perceives to be the EU’s meddling in Pakistan’s internal affairs. It remains the case, however, that Pakistan is a strategic partner of the EU and has signed a third generation agreement with the EU, which obliges Pakistan to improve human rights. Unfortunately, Pakistan ranks third in the world for human rights violations, despite several European countries giving us money to improve our human rights record – that they are watching Pakistan closely should therefore be understandable if not desirable.Pakistan wants access to the European market and last year met the EU to discuss this matter. The talks were inconclusive but have been rekindled by an event far beyond this government’s control. Whilst the floods caused havoc for millions of Pakistan’s poor, they have proved to be something of a lucky break for the government and rejuvenated talks on Pakistan’s access to Europe’s markets.It will be interesting to see how our leaders proceed but they should know they are in no position to dictate the terms of business to the EU. Instead of trying to deal with our funders on our own terms, Pakistan should fulfil its obligations just as the governments of European states are duty-bound to their citizens.The money they give to Pakistan is not theirs but the tax payers’ and European governments are accountable to their citizens. The European Union is not like Pakistan where ministers and politicians don’t pay any taxes and live a luxurious lifestyle at the expense of the public who largely live in deprivation. People are committing suicide because they have no money and selling their children because they cannot feed them, while children are selling themselves to support their parents.Our rulers and politicians have foreign bank balances, offshore accounts and properties where nobody is even living but are still costing thousands of pounds to maintain, while ordinary people cannot even earn enough each day to meet their daily needs.

Chaudhry Nisar Sahib, for your information, this is not the first time that the EU has raised the issue of blasphemy, mistreatment of minorities, growing extremism and the issues of human rights violations in Pakistan. The European troika has raised all these issues in their regular demarches and the Government has neither stopped them nor considered it an interference in the past so why now?

Unfortunately, this is going to continue unless we become self reliant in all respects and minorities are treated fairly. Or should we just resort to disowning them, pushing them out of Pakistan, or forcing them to convert to Islam? Some would sadly be happy with any of these options.After 63 years, minorities are still not equal citizens of Pakistan, despite their equality being guaranteed by the founder of Pakistan, Quaid El Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. We looked upon them with hate and discriminate against them in all walks of life. They have been crying out but we have never paid any attention and now their cries are reaching the ears of those outside Pakistan.Some foreign aid is given to Pakistan just for minorities and human rights but these grants are hardly used for these purposes. But where our own government cannot protect them and provide security, God has his own plans.It is the responsibility and duty of our government and politicians to look into the issue of the mistreatment of religious minorities carefully and use this opportunity to learn from their mistakes and eliminate foreign interference wherever possible, instead of being angry over the statements of the Pope and the EU.

The blasphemy law has not been changed, not for religious reasons but for political. If that is to be the case for the foreseeable future, at least the government must move to stop it from being misused. On that front, there is hope as most political and religious leaders seem to be willing to stop its misuse including.Now the onus is on the government to make this happen. The government has formed a 10-member committee of religious leaders to look into this matter but I suggest that the government forms a larger committee comprising lawyers, religious leaders, scholars, politicians and minorities so that there is a rational and sober dialogue on the issue of the blasphemy law and reach some kind of consensus.We have much larger and critical issues to resolve before the public use Tunisia’s example and we are left with no choice. Since everybody has agreed that this law is being misused, let’s start with introducing safeguards to this law so nobody can misuse it to settle their personal scores and nobody could use it as an excuse to interfere in our internal affairs.

Pakistanis Shout for Secularism, Minority Rights and End to Islamization

People of Islamabad got together in front of the Parliament House on Dec 30, 2010 in order to protest against a highly discriminatory Blasphemy Laws of the country, parallel judicial structures especially the Shariat Court especially Shariat Court’s recent Judgment against the Women’s Protection Act (WPA) that brought little relief to women who were being booked under notorious Hudood Laws (throughly anti-women & religious minorities laws promulgated by the military dictator Zia-ul-Haq in 1979 as a part of his Islamization drive). The citizens were gathered under Insani Haqooq Ittehaad (Human Rights Alliance) an alliance of more than 30 civil society organizations and many human rights activists, media personalities, academicians, professional people, women entrepreneurs etc.

According to the Judgment of the Federal Shariat Court, not only the key provisions of the WPA have been taken back to Hudood, but also Shariat Court’s jurisdiction is extended to cover what is the constitutional mandate of Supreme Court of Pakistan.  The protesters were concerned not only for the diminishing space of country’s apex Court – Supreme Court of Pakistan – in the wake of the Judgment given by Federal Shariat Court (FSC) a week ago, but also for the existence of FSC per se. They revived their two decades old demand of abolishing the FSC altogether and ensure a uniform judicial system in the country.Those who participated the protest, were particularly raising voice for the release of Aasiya Bibi, a Christian woman who has recently been sentenced to death under Blasphemy Laws, which many citizens are convinced are badly drafted and are used as an oppressive tool against not only religious minorities but powerless and marginalized sections of the society. They, however, called upon the Parliament to go for a repeal of Blasphemy Law altogether or a massive amendment to make it toothless. They renewed their resolve to support all those political forces who at this juncture are striving for the change in status quo. They committed their support to the Bill for the Repeal of Blasphemy Laws moved in National Assembly by a woman Member (Ms. Bushra Gauhar) from Awami National Party and another Bill on the Amendment of Blasphemy Laws moved in National Assembly by the ruling party member Ms. Sherry Rehman. Appreciation was also extended to the work of the Parliamentary Sub-Committee on Minorities’ Rights Chaired by Ms. Nafisa Shah towards this common objective, as well as the attempt made by the Governor of Punjab for the release / Presidential pardon of Aasiya Bibi.They however, urged that all these political leaders should not bow down before the pressure of obscurantist forces within the parliament and in the political parties currently a part of ruling coalition.

The protesters, however, were very angry and raised their strong concerns over the highly objectionable, irresponsible and discouraging statements given by the Law Minister, Senator Babar Awan and the Labour & Manpower Minister Mr. Khursheed Shah. They demanded immediate retraction of these offensive statements against eh Blasphemy Laws Amendment / Repeal by these two cabinet members and urged the Prime Minister to take serious note if the government is serious in supporting an Amendment / Repeal in the Blasphemy Laws.

It is noteworthy that the protesters decided to carry on with the demonstration despite heavy rains that had engulfed the capital since last night. A couple of hundred protesters on a rainy day standing in front of the Parliament House and chanting slogans for a secular Pakistan, a day before the Shutter-down Strike Call by the religious parties, were eager to make a dissent statement before the world and show that Pakistan is not inhabited by religious extremists and obscurantists. “We are not ready to leave the field open for the Religious right to play. We are there and the world should see we are not going to knee down before any number of religious parties” said a student from Iqra University Islamabad.

Following is the text of a Press Statement that the IHI members and protesters issued at the end of the demonstration before peacefully dispersing from the venue.

Press Statement

Representatives of civil society, minorities and concerned citizens of Islamabad gathered today under the auspices of the Insani Haqooq Ittehaad – IHI (Human Rights Alliance) to denounce Federal Shariat Court’s the recent decision on Women’s Protection Act, demand the abolishing of Federal Shariat Court and parallel judicial systems i.e. Council of Islamic Ideology, Federal Shariat Court, jirgas, panchayets, and repeal of all laws which are discriminatory to women and minorities included Blasphemy laws and Hudood laws. They also called for the immediate dismissal of Maulana Shirani as the Chair of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII).The participants of the rally were a diverse mix of civil society organizations, women’s rights groups, human rights activists, political workers, students’ organizations and minority communities from Islamabad. They raised slogans for a secular and democratic Pakistan. They insisted that the government must work towards the realization of the democratic, secular, and peaceful vision of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s Pakistan, a vision he clearly articulated in his speech on 11th August 1947 when he stated that religion would have no role to play in the business of the state.

The protesters chanted slogans and demanded repeal of laws that discriminate against women such as Hudood Laws and Qisas and Diyat Law. They also reminded the government that the State has a due diligence duty to ensure protection for women, minorities and other vulnerable sections of the society and should not bow down to political pressures and blackmailing by religious parties.The demonstration was part of countrywide campaign of the human rights organizations and activist against the Federal Shariat Court decision, in support of its abolishing and repeal of Blasphemy laws.  The protesters also demanded that the government should stand up to the retrogressive religious forces in the country and not capitulate to their blackmail. They called upon the government to ensure the rights of religious minorities by immediately releasing Aasiya Bibi and repealing the Blasphemy laws.

This protest was the beginning of a national campaign that civil society organizations are starting in all parts of Pakistan from today. Similar protests are planned in all provinces. A national conference and other follow-ups are also planned to demonstrate that the progressive elements of Pakistani society will not bow down to the attacks by the religious right against women and minorities.

Ten Comandments of  Western Democracy 

Democracy is the new religion. Its commandments are mentioned below.

1. Thou shall not criticise the neo-conservative version of democracy as embodied in the personages of Tony Blair, George Bush and many others who support them.

2. Thou shall use money, grave and electronic images, companies and firms to wage a crusade on non-democratic regimes. Neo-conservative think tanks are the sole authority to define the democracy and other forms of government.

3. Thou shall not uphold the cause of damned who got what they deserved. Enemies of democracy do not deserve the treatment our covenant offers to other members of our tribe.

4. Thou shall work as much as you intend to but thou shalt not question the laws imposed by the people who give you bread out of Christian charity inspired by love and fear of our god.

5. Honour your mother and father while showing great respect to our leaders Bush, Blair and many other exalted ones.

6. Thou shalt not kill local people but thou shalt kill foreigners who killed us, tried to kill us and many others who have nothing to do with us.

7. Adultery is your personal problem but thou shall not abort.

8. Thou shall not steal being a non-skilled, semi skilled worker but as business executives, IT wizards, movie giants and celebrity politicians you can steal as much as you want.

9. Thou shalt not bear false witness against your neighbour but thou shalt finance and support wars against people in distant lands without asking for legal requirements. Thou could covet thy neighbour’s wife but not his property.

10. Thou are free to torture, rob, loot, plunder the foreigners as long as it does not become news. We will ensure it does not become news but sometimes we cannot help it.

Synod: Christians and Islam demand religious freedom, to fight extremism
by Samir Khalil Samir

New strengths in mission emerge at the Synod for the Middle East: the scourge of extremism that suffocates Christians and Muslims, the need to recognize Christians as citizens with full rights in society, the right to the proclamation of the gospel. A summary of the week’s proceedings by an expert at the synodal assembly.

A new factor that emerged forcefully during the Synod is that Christians are not called to fight against Islam. On the contrary, the interventions by Synod Fathers and Muslim guests expressed the need to work together to stop extremism and ensure full citizenship for Christians in Middle Eastern societies.

We can say that the central idea that emerged in the first week of the synod is the task of helping Christians to live in the East, where Christianity was born, but where it is now a minority.

1. Tolerance and discrimination

The biggest problem affecting all countries is that Christians - slowly or suddenly – are emigrating, firstly for political reasons, then economic reasons and more often for reasons specific to religious persecution. In some countries, the continuing discrimination against Christians also plays a role.

Discrimination is the result of the attitude of the Muslim majority that pertains to all countries in the region. This attitude on a national level relegates Christians to the role of second-class citizens.

Muslims always say that Islam is tolerant. In a sense, the statement is true: Christians and Jews are tolerated and have for centuries lived alongside Muslims, in the Muslim empire. But Christians no longer want to be tolerated; they want to be fully fledged citizens, period! Islam was structured in legal and organizational terms in the mid seventh to ninth century. At that time, the concept of total equality between religions was not conceived in the West or even among Christians. The cuius regio eius religio reigned in Europe until 1600. We must not therefore be surprised that the Muslim legal system, which came into being no later that the ninth century, did not give legal equality to Christians. This system considers Christians and Jews as protected by the Muslim power in exchange for their submission and becoming dhimmi. This system, for the time, was not bad: it was the most tolerant of the time and had already existed in the Greek and Persian world. Among the Greeks, for example, there were metochoi, those who live with us "in our house", those who share our country. But then it was an ethno-cultural policy. With Islam the same system is applied, but the method becomes religious. Muslims (Persians, Arabs, Turks, Africans ...) are (or should be) all the same, with the same rights, the non-Muslim believers (Jews and Christians) can live with Islam, but under certain conditions, non-believers (corresponding to the barbarians of the Greek world), can not live with Muslims and should be banned from the city or have to convert.

This system remained in place until the end of 1800's. It's true that the Ottoman Sultan Abdul-Medjid inaugurated his reign with the famous paper, hatt-i sciarif di Gulhane proclaiming on November 3, 1839 the equality of all subjects of the empire, whatever their religion. It was one of the reforms (Tanzimat) to renew the empire. But the people did not accept it and it was not applied. The concept of citizen (with equal rights and duties) as it emerged in the West, has never been accepted. Even today in the Islamic system that governs everything is sharia which is applied to varying degrees.

2. The debate on secular society

In Egypt's Constitution of May 22, 1980, the principle of sharia was introduced in the second article, as the "main source" of legislation. This introduces elements which do not grant full citizenship to Christians.

What the Christians of the Middle East are asking is not only to be treated well, but to be recognized as citizens with equal rights, so that no religion has any privileges.

This is our concept of secular society.

In this regard, during the synod, several interventions criticized the expression "positive secularism" twice mentioned in the Instrumentum Laboris (IL), also referring to Benedict XVI. The original text of the IL was in Italian and French. The expression therefore indicates a corrective element to the concept of European secularism, particularly its neutrality without expressing hostility toward religion.

For Arabs, however, the word "secular" is unknown. It was translated for the first time in the 1800's, using the word 'almāniyyah, which derives from the concept of "secularization." But for Muslims this concept evokes a reality similar to atheism. So when you use this translation of "secular", there are misunderstandings. We must explain that we are talking about a civil society that is neutral to, but not an enemy of religion, one which recognizes all religions. And this corresponds more to Eastern Christian and Muslim mentality: we do not want the marginalization of religion, the total separation between politics and religion, politics and ethics. This is what Muslims and Eastern Christians criticize of the West. As such the Synod Fathers, then, ask for a society of believers, but one where all faiths are equally recognized.

3. Religious freedom for all

Thus, during the first week of the synod, the principle of religious freedom was developed. The desire to ask the States of the Middle East to acknowledge the principle of total religious freedom. This includes: the right to renounce a religion to adhere to a religion or to change religion; the right to be atheist and the equal treatment of religions in accordance with the UN Human Rights Charter.

This does not mean the cancellation of religion, but giving it greater space so the religion does not come into conflict with other laws of the State. For example, if sharia goes against some state law, state law takes precedence. In the name of Sharia for example,you can not force anyone to fast during Ramadan, as is the case today in all countries of the Arabian peninsula (Saudi, Arabia, Yemen, Gulf countries) and also in Algeria, Morocco, etc..

4. The right to proclaim one’s faith

Another very important point in this debate is right practice and proclaim one’s faith. The proclamation of the gospel is an obligation for Christians as it is for Muslims to proclaim Islam, but it is almost forbidden to Christians everywhere, even in countries that call themselves "secular," such as Turkey and Tunisia, where the state provides every means to spread Islam and to carry out Da'wah, ie Islamic propaganda. If you convert to Christianity in secret, they let it lie, but if one proclaims his new faith in public, they risk being expelled or killed. Beyond Lebanon - the only exception - in other Arab countries, those who convert will never find peace.

In Tunisia, an Egyptian priest was expelled for holding a cultural encounter with young people and was accused of proselytizing; preachers in Turkey were killed and the killers were half-heartedly pursued by police, and they are two "secular and moderate” countries. None of these governments order the killings, but they turn a blind eye to them. Sometimes, it is the very parents or relatives of the converts who carry out the murders.

Another new factor in the Synod is the realization that the Eastern Churches immersed in a stalled evangelization for centuries - have lost tehir sense of mission. Several synod fathers have said: "We must recapture the sense of mission."

The fact that Christians are emigrating because of Islamic pressure, has led the synod fathers to two conclusions: first, that Islam is intolerant in itself, that it carries the seeds of closure, and they have cited the appropriate Koranic verses to qualify this. But this line is supported by a small group. The majority of interventions however, pointed out that in Islam there is also a tolerant tendency. Many Muslims want to live in peace with Christians and therefore the problem of intolerance is common to Christians and Muslims. Extremism is fomented for reasons that are not religious, even if it manifests itself with religious aspects.

There are fanatics who strive for the emigration of Christians, condemning them as "Kafir" (infidel), but also condemning Muslims who do not follow the strict orthodoxy advocated by them.

The fathers stressed that Christians and Muslims must fight extremism that is based on religion. Muslims repeat that Islam is the religion of the right medium (din al-Wasat). Christians must work together with the Muslims to elevate the level of society, making it more human.

The task of Christians is to raise the level of awareness in society, a human, cultural but also religious commitment that emphasizes forgiveness, peace, etc.. searching the Koran and the Bible for everything which affirms this affinity of consciousness. Moreover, the principle of forgiveness is even in the Koran (albeit milder than in the Gospel).

5. The intervention by Muhammad al-Sammak

This commitment to raise the values in Arab societies was also the subject of an intervention by Lebanese Sunni Muslim, Muhammd al-Sammak. He said that thanks to Christians, Muslim society has increased its cultural level to make positive progress. In his speech (delivered in Arabic), he said:

"Two negative points demonstrate the problem faced by Eastern Christians: The first point concerns the lack of respect for the rights of fully equal citizenship when faced with the law in certain countries. The second concerns the misunderstanding of the spirit of the Islamic teachings, especially the part relative with Christians... "For this, we are called upon, as Christians and Muslims, to work together to transform these two negative elements into positive elements: in the first place, through the respect for the bases and rules of citizenship which accomplishes equality first in rights and then in duties. In second place, in denouncing the culture of exaggeration and extremism in its refusal of others and in its wish to have the exclusive monopoly on an ultimate truth, and in working towards the promotion and spreading a culture of moderation, of charity and of forgiveness as the respect of the differences of religion and beliefs, of language, of culture, of color and of race, and as we are taught by the Holy Koran, we put ourselves at the judgment of God about our differences. Yes, the Christians in the Middle East are being tested, but they are not the only ones ".

He then points out that Christians and Muslims are in the same predicament regarding extremism. He adds:

"The Eastern Christian presence, which works and acts with Muslims, is a Christian as well as an Islamic need. This is a need not only for the East, but also for the entire world. The danger represented by the erosion of this presence on the qualitative and quantitative levels is a Christian as well as an Islamic concern, not only for Eastern Muslims, but for all Muslims all over the world”.

6. Conclusion

Muhammad al-Sammak highlights a number of times that without the presence of Christians in the Middle East (and world) society regresses.

I think this way of thinking is a strong stand by the synod fathers: to propose, not so much a fight against Islam, but a collaboration between Christians and Muslims against Islamic extremism. This positive position is not merely a new way of "doing good", the fathers recognize that there is also an intolerant tendency in Islam, but they understand that in the Muslim world there is hope of development and change, though not as obvious and clear as in the Christian world.

What appears to be strong and clear is that the majority of the Synod Fathers are convinced that the only way forward is to constructively address the weaknesses of our society which finds itself in deep crisis, together, Muslims and Christians.

 

Muslim scholars say Mideast needs Christians

Two Muslim scholars, a Sunni and a Shiite, told the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East that Islam promotes respect for Christians and Jews and that the entire Middle East will suffer if Christians vanish from the region.

Pope Benedict XVI invited two Muslim religious scholars to address the synod Oct. 14: the Sunni, Muhammad al-Sammak, adviser to the chief mufti of Lebanon and secretary general of Lebanon's Christian-Muslim Committee for Dialogue; and the Shiite, Ayatollah Seyed Mostafa Mohaghegh Damad Ahmadabadi, a professor at Shahid Beheshti University in Tehran.

Al-Sammak told the synod that Christians are not the only people suffering in the Middle East and they are not the only segment of the population tempted to emigrate.

"We share our sufferings. We live them in our social and political delays, in our economic and developmental regression, in our religious and confessional tension," he said.

At the same time, the Lebanese told the synod, the "new and accidental phenomenon" of Christians being targeted because of their faith is dangerous, and not just for Christians.By attacking Christians, he said, misguided, fundamentalist, politically manipulated Muslims are tearing apart the fabric of Middle Eastern societies where Jews, Christians and Muslims lived side by side for centuries.

They also are showing "Islam in a different light than the one it truly reflects" and working against one of the fundamental teachings of Islam: the teaching that differences among people are the result of God's design and part of God's will for humanity, al-Sammak said.The emigration of Christians makes it difficult for the rest of the region's Arabs to live their identity fully, he said.

"They (Christians) are an integral part of the cultural, literary and scientific formation of Islamic civilization. They are also the pioneers of modern Arabic renaissance and have safeguarded its language, the language of the holy Quran," he added.

Al-Sammak told the bishops he hoped the synod would be "something more than the cry of Christian suffering which echoes in this valley of pain," which is the Middle East.

He said he hoped the synod would mark the beginning of "Islamic-Christian cooperation that can protect Christians and watch over Islamic-Christian relations, so that the East -- the place of divine revelation -- remains worthy of raising the banner of faith, charity and peace for itself and for the entire world."Ayatollah Mohaghegh Damad told the synod that the Quran's view of Christian-Muslim relations is one of "friendship, respect and mutual understanding," even though there have been "dark moments" in the relationship over the past 1,400 years.

However, he said, the "illegitimate acts of certain individuals and groups" should not be attributed to the religion to which they belong, whether it's blaming Christianity for the action of Christians or blaming Islam for the actions of Muslims.

In Iran and most other Muslim countries, he said, "Christians live side by side and in peace with their Muslim brothers. They enjoy all the legal rights like other citizens and perform their religious practices freely."He told the synod that leaders of all religions must recognize that their people no longer live cut off from believers of other faiths, and religious leaders have an obligation to help their faithful understand the respect that is due the other.

The ideal, he said, "would be the state where believers of any faith freely and without any apprehension, fear and obligation could live according to the basic principles and modes of their own customs and traditions. This right, which is universally recognized, should in fact be practiced by states and communities."Meeting reporters before speaking at the synod, the two Muslim scholars responded to several questions regarding freedom of worship and conscience in Muslim-majority countries.

Al-Sammak said the ancient Muslim practice of inflicting harsh punishment on Muslims who converted is a legacy from a time "when changing religions meant joining the enemy; it was punished as an act of treason."

While some Muslims today think converts should be punished, al-Sammak said the "golden rule" of Islam is that "there is no compulsion in religion, that's what the Quran says."The ayatollah said, "You are free to choose any religion in your heart, because religion is a very, very private matter for everybody, but conversion means something else."When journalists tried to push him to clarify, he said publicly announcing that you are no longer a member of your original faith group is an act of unacceptable "propaganda."

Al-Sammak also told reporters that the emigration of Christians from the Middle East is an expression of a "lack of democracy, a lack of freedom" in the region and not the result of religiously motivated pressure from Muslims.

As for the dire situation of Christians in Iraq, al-Sammak said they unwittingly were caught in the middle of a struggle for power that has pitted Sunni Muslims against Shiite Muslims.

"Christians of Iraq are not -- and I underline not -- part of that conflict," he said, but "they are caught in the middle of the conflict and they are paying the price for it."In addition, he said, while "Christians of Iraq had nothing to do with the invasion, they didn't call for the Americans to come to Iraq, they didn't ask for American protection, and yet they are sometimes treated as if they are part of the American invasion of Iraq."                                    S.(Vatican City (AsiaNews) 

ملک جہاں پاکستانی نہ ہونے کے برابر؟
دنیا میں ایسا بھی کوئی ملک ہے جہاں پاکستانی نہ ہونے کے برابر ہوں؟
ہارون رشید

ویسے تو قطب شمال و جنوب غالبا ایسے علاقے ہیں جہاں بھوری رنگت والے نہ ہوں لیکن اس کے علاوہ دنیا کا ایسا کوئی خطہ نہیں جہاں پاکستانی نہ پائے جاتے ہوں۔ میرے جیسے پاکستانی کے لیے ایسے کسی علاقے کا سوچنا مشکل دکھائی دیتا ہے۔ چاہے برطانیہ ہو یا امریکہ، سپین ہو یا اردن کسی نہ کسی پاکستانی سے کسی نہ کسی جگہ راستے ٹکرا جائیں گے۔ لیکن مرکزی یورپ کے ایک اہم ملک پولینڈ میں ایک ہفتے کے قیام کے دوران پاکستانی سفارت خانے کے اہلکاروں کے علاوہ کوئی پاکستانی نہیں مل پایا۔ اس پر کافی تجسس بھی ہوا اور تشویش بھی۔
کیسے یہاں کی منافع بخش منڈی پاکستانیوں سے بچ پائی ہے، کیسے یہاں غیرقانونی تارکین وطن بڑی تعداد میں نہیں، کیسے لاہوری تکہ ہاوس یہاں نہیں بن پایا؟
پولینڈ میں تعینات پاکستانی سفیر مراد علی کی جانب سے جب ہمیں وارسا میں قیام کے آخری دن دوپہر کے کھانے پر مدعو کیا گیا تو خوشی نہ صرف کسی پاکستانی سے ملنے کی تھی بلکہ لالچ کسی حلال خوراک کی بھی تھی۔ جیسی یک نسل پولینڈ کی آبادی ہے ویسی ہی یہاں کی محدود کھانے کی ورائٹی بھی ہے۔ افغانی منتو کی طرز کی پیروگی یا مچھلی ہی قدرے محفوظ خوراک ہے جو کھائی جاسکتی ہے۔ لیکن اگر سو فیصد مذہبی احتیاط کرنی ہے تو واحد محفوظ خوراک تازہ سلاد ہے۔ ہمارے گائیڈ میرے دو پختون صحافی ساتھیوں کے ساتھ مذاق میں چھیڑتے رہتے کہ کہیں آپ لوگ گھاس کھا کھا کر اونٹ ہی نہ بن جائیں۔
پاکستانی سفیر مراد علی نے جو خود بھی جنوبی کوریا سے ڈیڑھ ماہ قبل ہی تبدیل ہوکر یہاں آئے ہیں بتایا کہ پولینڈ میں قانونی طور پر آئے ہوئے پاکستانیوں کی تعداد چند سو ہے لیکن غیرقانونی شاید چند ہزار ہوں۔ ان کا کہنا تھا کہ پاکستانیوں کے یہاں آنے میں بڑی رکاوٹ براہ راست پاکستان اور پولینڈ میں فضائی یا دیگر رابطوں کی کمی ہے۔
میرے خیال میں ٹیکسٹائل، چاول، کھیلوں کا سامان ایسے چیزیں ہیں جہاں مزید تجارت کی گنجائش موجود ہے۔ لیکن ساتھ ہی پولینڈ کی یورپ میں مرکزی پوزیشن ہونے کی وجہ سے پاکستانی تاجر یہاں ایک مرکز بنا کر یہاں سے دیگر یورپی ممالک تک رسائی حاصل کرسکتے ہیں
مراد علی
پاکستانی سفیر مراد علی نے بتایا کہ گزشتہ چند برسوں میں دونوں ممالک کے درمیان تجارت میں کئی گنا اضافہ ہو کر یہ ایک سو ستر ملین ڈالر تک پہنچ گئی ہے لیکن ان کا خیال ہے کہ اس میں مزید اضافہ کرکے اسے باآسانی پانچ سو ملین تک لایا جاسکتا ہے۔
میرے خیال میں ٹیکسٹائل، چاول، کھیلوں کا سامان ایسے چیزیں ہیں جہاں مزید تجارت کی گنجائش موجود ہے۔ لیکن ساتھ ہی پولینڈ کی یورپ میں مرکزی پوزیشن ہونے کی وجہ سے پاکستانی تاجر یہاں ایک مرکز بنا کر یہاں سے دیگر یورپی ممالک تک رسائی حاصل کرسکتے ہیں۔
رابطے وہیں بنتے ہیں جہاں خواہش ہو۔ پولینڈ کی وزارت خارجہ کے ایک سینئر اہلکار کرزیسٹاف دوبرولسکی کا کہنا تھا کہ سردمہری دونوں جانب سے تھی۔ اگر پولینڈ کی پاکستان میں دلچسپی نہیں تھی تو پاکستان کا بھی یہی حال تھا۔ اب وقت کے ساتھ ساتھ صورتحال تبدیل ہو رہی ہے۔
پولینڈ کا نومولود پاکستان کی فضائیہ کے قیام میں کردار کافی پرانا ہے۔ پولش پائلٹوں اور انجنیئروں نے قیام پاکستان کے فوراً بعد اس کی فضائیہ کے قیام میں اہم کردار تھا۔ ان پائلٹوں میں سے چند نے آج تک پاکستان کو اپنا مستقل گھر بنایا ہوا ہے۔
البتہ حالیہ دنوں میں دونوں ممالک کی جانب سے تعلقات میں گرمجوشی پیدا کرنے کی کوشش کی جا رہی ہے۔ صدر مشرف نے سال دو ہزار سات میں وارسا کا دورہ کیا تو گزشتہ دنوں موجودہ وزیر خارجہ شاہ محمود قریشی بھی یہاں کا چکر لگا کر لوٹے ہیں۔ دوسری جانب پولینڈ کے حکام کے پاکستانی دوروں میں بھی اضافہ ہوا ہے۔
سب سے زیادہ حوصلہ افزا بات وارسا یونورسٹی کے ڈیپارٹمنٹ آف اوریئنٹل سٹڈیز میں اردو کے معلم کی تقرری ہے جو جلد متوقع ہے۔ اس کے علاوہ کریکو شہر میں واقع وسطی یورپ کی دوسری قدیم ترین یونیورسٹی میں پاکستان سے متعلق شعبے کا جلد قیام بھی ہے۔ اس کے لیے پشاور میں اسلامیہ کالج یونیورسٹی میں سوشل سڈیز کے ایک سینئر پروفیسر ڈاکٹر نوشاد کی تقرری بھی ہے۔ اس کے علاوہ دونوں ممالک کے تاجروں کے وفود کے دورے بھی متوقع ہیں۔
پولینڈ بھی یورپی اتحاد کا حصہ بننے کے بعد اب عالمی سطح پر ایک متحرک کردار ادا کرنے پر چاہتے یا نہ چاہتے ہوئے مجبور ہے۔ یہی مجبوری اسے افغانستان میں بھی لائی ہے اور اسی وجہ سے اس کے لیے اب نہ صرف یہ جنگ زدہ ملک بلکہ اس کا ہمسایہ پاکستان بھی اہم ہے۔ پولینڈ کا قدرتی گیس کے لیے روس پر بھاری انحصار ہے۔ اسے کم کرنے کے لیے وہ دنیا بھر میں گیس کی تلاش کے منصوبوں میں حصہ لے رہا ہے۔ اسی وجہ سے وہ پاکستان میں بھی ہے۔
گیس کی تلاش میں مصروف ایک پولش انجینیئر کے طالبان کے ہاتھوں اِغوا اور قتل انہیں کوششوں کے دوران پیش آنے والا ایک حادثہ تھا۔ پولش حکومت کم از کم اس واقعے کو اب تک نہیں بھولی ہے۔ وزیر خارجہ شاہ محمود قریشی کے گزشتہ دنوں دورے میں پولش حکام نے یہ مسئلہ ایک مرتبہ پھر اٹھایا تھا۔
پولینڈ کی وزارت خارجہ میں ایشیا کے شعبے کے ڈپٹی ڈائریکٹر کرزیسٹاف دوبرولسکی نے بتایا کہ مذاکرات کے ایجنڈے پر یہ مسئلہ ایک اہم موضوع تھا۔ ہم چاہتے ہیں کہ اس قتل میں ملوث افراد کو سزا ہو۔ حکومت پاکستان دو ملزمان کا عدالتی مقدمہ چلا رہی ہے۔ ہمیں امید ہے کہ اس مقدمے کا فیصلہ جلد ہوگا۔ لیکن ہم اس عدالتی کارروائی کی وجہ سے زیادہ دباؤ نہیں ڈال سکتے ہیں۔
دوسری جانب پولینڈ شاید پاکستان کاروباری طبقے کے لیے ایک ان ایکسپلورڈ ملک ہے۔
سیالکوٹ سے تعلق رکھنے والے پاکستانی سفیر مراد علی نے بتایا کہ دونوں ممالک کے درمیان اس وقت ڈیڑھ سو ملین ڈالر کی مشترکہ تجارت کا حجم ہے جوکہ باآسانی پانچ سو ملین تک پہنچائی جاسکتی ہے۔
اس لیے امید کی جاسکتی ہے کہ ہمارے اگلے دورے تک (اگر ممکن ہوسکا) تو اگر دونوں ممالک کے درمیان براہ راست پروازیں نہ سہی کم از کم وارسا میں ایک پاکستانی حلال خوراک کا ریسٹورانٹ ضرور کھل جائے گا تاکہ آنے والوں کا کھانے پینے کا مسئلہ تو حل ہو۔

Profiling Pakistan Jehadis :

Ali Chisti

What kind of people are rushing to join jihadi organisations? Where are they coming from? What is their family and educational background? And most importantly, what motivates them to put their lives on the line for missions that really have nothing material to do with them? What really prompts a Punjabi,Sindhi, Baloch or Pashtun to become a member of a suicide squad? Or, for that matter, what makes these people participate in far off conflicts that have no bearing on their lives, except maybe emotional attachment? What is behind their fanaticism and their commitment? How are they recruited?


All such profiling conducted by various think-tanks gives us a small hint of the demonic mindset that we are dealing with in the fight against radical Islamic terror groups. Another frightening reality that emerges from a close study of jihadis is that they do not come from any one particular education stream, family background, region or even economic background. The spirit of jihad transcends these boundaries and stereotypes. In other words, jihadis are now coming from every social, economic and cultural strata of Pakistani society. This means that our country itself has become one big Jihad Inc. The role of mullahs in motivating and recruiting young men for jihad clearly comes out when profiling jihadis but equally important is the fact that economic factors and a breakdown in traditional social structures too are motivating many people to take to jihad.
Jihad in this part of the world is seen as lending a sense of purpose to the lives of many people who otherwise would be pushovers in society. One major draw for jihadis in Pakistan is the clout a religious militant enjoys with the law enforcement agencies. A black tinted four-by-four and a suspicious number plate with occupants sporting militia-style clothing, long hair and beards is bound to arouse suspicion and get the vehicle pulled over at any check post. If you are a religious militant, however, you are simply waved through with a level of ‘respect’ unthinkable for most Pakistanis. Obviously, being above the law holds great appeal for the jobless. The militant organisation gives otherwise powerless men a strong sense of identity in an increasingly fragmented social structure.


Only recently a research paper published on the very subject reveals that a vast number of recruits come from formal schools and lack any real religious knowledge or motivation. The primary cause behind militancy, it is argued, is unemployment and poverty. There are the middle class jihadis like Shehzad Tanvir or Sheikh Omar, who has been convicted of murdering Daniel Pearl. There is a popular misconception that young Pakistani men who volunteer for jihad invariably do so out of a lack of viable economic options. This is particularly untrue in Karachi where most budding jihadis hail from middle, upper middle or even upper class families. A similar trend prevails in other large cities that, in turn, explodes another myth that Pakistan’s ‘non-state actors’ are largely confined to the country’s tribal and northern areas.
“I am proud of my son although the only regret I have is that I do not have another son to send for this noble cause,” says a middle-aged man whose only son is believed dead somewhere in Afghanistan. Another jihadi now turned tableeghi, Mehmood, who in his late 20s managed to come back to Karachi in one piece, maintains that misconceptions abound concerning the current reality in Afghanistan. He says, “Some people accuse the Taliban of retreating without informing the Pakistani and Arab mujaheedin, a move that allegedly resulted in their slaughter by the Northern Alliance. That is totally incorrect.” While pulling back, the Taliban asked all their foreign allies to withdraw with them. The Pakistani and Arab mujahideen, however, decided to keep on fighting even though they knew that they would get killed. Most of them preferred to die as they had already burnt their bridges.


One would imagine that most of those planning to take part in the holy war would be from the militant cadres of jihadi organisations. However, it has become patently obvious that this modern version of the David and Goliath fable has an emotive appeal across the spectrum of Pakistani society too. Many, even those who do not agree with the Taliban’s obscurantist version of Islam, have found inspiration in the obdurate refusal of one of the world’s poorest Muslim countries to give in to the demands of the only global superpower.
Finally, there is the myth and misconception that jihadis are only Pashtuns and Punjabis. The records provided by different jihadi organisations and research material available show that the number of martyrs from Sindh has already touched 500 in the FATA region alone. In the early 2000s, when our proxies were primarily targeted towards the east, 85 of the Jaish-e-Mohammad, 175 of Hizbul Mujahideen and 51 of Lashkar-e-Islam were Sindhi-speaking jihadis. In the case of Balochistan, the list of casualties published by various jihadi organisations shows that from 1999 to March 2002, there were 112 so-called martyrs from Balochistan, most of whom died in Afghanistan, indicating that the jihad phenomenon in Pakistan has gone viral in almost every segment of our society.

 

“Ethical Codes for Media: Yes or No?”

A free, independent and responsible media is a direct reflection of societal traits and thus can act not only as a reality check but as a mentor and redeemer. With its initiative to move towards aFree, Independent and Responsible Media (FIRM),Individualland-Pakistan (IL-Pakistan) with the support of theFriedrich-Naumann-Stifting fur die Freiheit (FNF) held a Focus Group Discussion on the topic, “Ethical Code for Media: Yes or No?”at a local hotel today.
The moderator Mr. Shaukat Ali Ashraf from IL-Pakistan started the discussion with the thought that every profession must have a set of rules to follow to ensure the safety of themselves and others and so that one might not hurt other person unwillingly. These “code of ethics” are also to ensure that no one takes advantage of his/her position or profession in bad and unethical way
The participants while discussing presented the view point that there is no single, ruling definition of media ethics. Instead, the concept of media ethics exists in many forms acting as a blueprint from which media personnel can base their practices and their decisions. Ethics are not absolute rules. They are constantly evolving values. But, a media worker may be held professionally responsible for their actions if they are in conflict with their professions code of ethics. So although there is a need to develop a code of ethics for media but the code must keep the vibrant, hostile and politically stigmatized nature of a journalists work.
Participants further highlighted that reporters and media are expected to provide accurate and correct news and content through reliable sources. Incorrect content can create problems and misunderstandings. The participants lightly shared that today’s journalism can be related to the following saying “When a dog bites a man it is no news, but when a man bites a dog, it is news.”
Nowadays we frequently encounter media campaigns against civilian elected government on TV channels. There are so many pieces of [dis]information which are carefully designed to mould attitudes and public opinion against democracy. Media has become a very effective and powerful weapon through which undemocratic forces manipulate social attitude and behavior.
The media not to glorify banned militant organizations and should evolve consensus on war on tarror and try to support political process . It is also a fact that media is bent on promoting sensationalism, so it should create tolerance and avoid sensationalism. Breaking news can not be produced every hour. Also, the media channels must not make people fight with each other in their talk shows.
A free media greatly help in strengthening democracy and democratic system by promoting participation of citizens in planning and decision making process of state, defending rule of law and encouraging human development and security. It is fact that there is lack of proper rules and regulations in the Pakistani media, so there fore we are witnessed personal biases and falsities in reportage of different incidents- this vacuum could be filled by a consensus new code of conduct[ethical codes], formed by all stakeholders.
Participants agreed that a media without a “code of ethics” will harm people, make media lose its credibility gradually and the role of watch-god will get weakened eventually. They stressed the needs for media to minimize harm at all levels to society, be accountable to public and a monitoring authority actively watches over the rights of media personal also.

A friend in need is a friend indeed

 by Junaid Qaiser

Congratulating people of Pakistan on the occasion of its 63rd independence day, US President Barack Obama has expressed his country’s long term commitment in strengthening ties with the country.
President Barack Obama has pledged sustained U.S. support for Pakistan’s recovery from raging floods “in line with deepening partnership between the two nations” as he greeted the South Asian country on its Independence Day that has come at a time of unprecedented natural disaster.
“This Independence Day anniversary also comes at a time of great challenge for the people of Pakistan as they bravely respond to widespread and unprecedented flooding,” he noted in a White House statement.


“In line with the deepening partnership between our two nations, I have directed my administration to continue to work closely with the Government of Pakistan and provide assistance in their response to this crisis,” the U.S. president added as Pakistan and its international partners stepped up a gigantic rescue and relief operation over 150,000 sq km of land.
The monsoon flooding has already claimed around 1600 lives and affected more than 14 million people across the country and destroyed houses, livestock and infrastructure at several places.
Obama said his administration has rushed financial assistance, life saving and life sustaining relief supplies, helicopters, rescue boats, and disaster management experts to assist the Pakistani authorities.
“The people of America stand with the people of Pakistan through this difficult time and will continue to urge the international community to increase their support and assistance. We will remain committed to helping Pakistan and will work side by side with you and the international community toward a recovery that brings back the dynamic vitality of your nation,” he vowed.
Following is the text of the White House statement: “On behalf of the people of the United States of America, I send my congratulations and sincere best wishes to all who will celebrate the 63rd anniversary of Pakistan’s independence.

Here at home, I am proud of the many contributions Pakistani Americans have made to our nation and will continue to make in the years to come. Pakistan’s Independence Day is a useful time to reflect on the friendships Pakistan has in the world and the expressions of true friendship that come in a time of need.
“This Independence Day anniversary also comes at a time of great challenge for the people of Pakistan as they bravely respond to widespread and unprecedented flooding. In line with the deepening partnership between our two nations, I have directed my administration to continue to work closely with the Government of Pakistan and provide assistance in their response to this crisis. We have rushed financial assistance, life saving and life sustaining relief supplies, helicopters, rescue boats, and disaster management experts to assist the Pakistani authorities.”
The people of America stand with the people of Pakistan We will remain committed to helping Pakistan and will work side by side with you and the international community toward a recovery that brings back the dynamic vitality of your nation.”

'The people of America stand with the people of Pakistan through this difficult time.'

through this difficult time and will continue to urge the international community to increase their support and assistance.
The United States has donated the most to the relief effort, at least $70 million, and has sent military helicopters to rescue stranded people and drop off food and water. “So far, if anyone has practically given us maximum help, it is America,” Gilani said Saturday when a Pakistani reporter suggested the U.S. has done little since the crisis started.
 The Pentagon said Friday that ships carrying more relief supplies and helicopters had left the East Coast and would arrive off Pakistan in late September. Two additional U.S. Navy MH-53E Sea Dragon helicopters arrived in Pakistan on Saturday to support flood relief efforts, the U.S. State Department said. That brings to seven the total number of aircraft in Pakistan from the USS Peleliu, which is positioned in international waters in the Arabian Sea. Operating in partnership with the Pakistan military, the U.S. aircraft have since Aug. 5 rescued more than 3,500 people and transported more than 412,000 pounds (186,000 kilograms) of emergency supplies, the State Department said American officials say they are trying to rekindle the same goodwill generated five years ago when the U.S. military played a major role in responding to an earthquake in Kashmir in 2005 that killed 75,000 people.
According to AFP, the United States has upped its aid to flood-ravaged Pakistan and announced a visit by a political heavyweight to show its commitment to a fractious ally where anti-US feeling runs high. US Senator John Kerry will visit Pakistan next week to raise public awareness and drum up donations
“This will be a critical visit to help raise the profile among publics both in the US and internationally,” said Dan Feldman, the US deputy special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Kerry, a former presidential candidate who chairs the Senate’s Foreign Relations Committee, will be the first senior US policymaker to visit since the disaster, which has affected up to 20 million people. The United States, which has put Pakistan on the front line of its war on Al-Qaeda, has begun dispatching Marine helicopters from an amphibious assault ship to help in the aid operation. With its latest aid pledge, the total US financial contribution to the flood relief effort comes to 76 million dollars. 
Obama administration not only vows sustained US support for Pakistan flood recovery but it will also to lobby for aid.

Official says 15-20 million people face direct or indirect harm from the floods. The United Nations believes 1,600 people have died, while Islamabad has confirmed 1,343 deaths. The UN has appealed for 460 million dollars in foreign aid and says billions will be needed in the long term, with survivors facing grim conditions in makeshift tent cities and diseases rife in the unbearable heat. The UN humanitarian coordinator in Pakistan, Martin Mogwanja, said pledges of 195 million dollars had already been made.**********

Sharab, Shabab And Shayari – 
The Chronic Misinterpretation Of Urdu Poetry

By Gagan Rism

As I was told later, in my Urdu class, one of the student on the very first day shot a question to Hrikrishan Lall, our teacher, that there is nothing in Urdu shayari except sharab and shabab, is there any? Lall Sir, who used to teach in that Punjab state sponsored Diploma in Urdu, smiled, and replied in this verse –

uske paimane mein kuchh aur, mere paimane mein kuch aur
dekhna saki ho na jaye, tere maikhane mein kuchh aur

The student was promptly up again in see-i-told-you-so fashion. What Lall Sir said next can be taken as an axiomatic reply to any such questions shot by any lay reader regarding Urdu shayari. He replied, “Never take Urdu shayari literally – it is more behind the words than on their face. The paimanas are not goblets here, but Destiny; maikhana is not tavern, but the world; saki is not wine-bearer, but god himself. And the shayar (poet) is flinging an age old query to the god as to why my destiny is so poor as compared to the other man. Shayar, in fact, is warning god to be just and behave rightly; otherwise he might be forced to wreak havoc in his unjust world.” The student turned speechless at this sudden revelation.

General readership is not an exception to misconceptions like this. Not many people have eyes keen enough to delve deeper behind the veil of words. Not only the laymen, but so called good readers also succumb to this boorishness while talking about Urdu poetry. The fact that Urdu poetry heavily uses the symbols of saki-o-maikhana (wine-bearer and tavern) does not make it an out and out a tribute to alcoholism. It does not endorse liquor mania when it speaks in these terms. Neither shayars are the brand ambassadors of liquors or taverns.

Like any poetry, Urdu shayari is no exception to the general rule that the words are mostly used metaphorically in it. Depending upon the context, words demand a symbolic rather than literal interpretation. Like any poetry, therefore, Urdu shayari too deserves a rational and non-prejudicial understanding of the same. Since, the critic often argues that, it does not use words-as-symbols in that accepted sense in which poetry of other languages does, such an interpretation may not always be warranted. For example, why only a select few symbols like goblet, tavern, woman, etc over and over again, rather than a whole corpus of others? There can be no straightforward reply to this as the choice of symbols is more culture-dependent, than a matter of personal concern. It would be more appropriate to question rather what that accepted sense is and from which authority it derives such an acceptance. Whereas for the lay, it may derive that from their general attitude towards Urdu language as such, for the so called good readership, it derives largely from their experience in other languages. Most of the languages use common-place terms as symbols to express the hidden. So, whereas Hindi may use dharamshala (rest-house) to symbolize world, Urdu uses maikhana (tavern) for the same. Symbol selection is more sensual than commonplace in Urdu. On account of different symbol selectivity, it has become a fashion to scoff at the symbolic corpus of Urdu as morally corrupt. By their biased code thus, the frequent occurring of words like, saki-o-maikhana represent degradation in the standards of the poetry and therefore, worthy of being discredited. Can mere the difference in symbol selectivity make Urdu a convenient scapegoat for people’s ignorance? The difference between symbol-selection needs be understood before any such (mis)adventure.

Unlike other languages, Urdu poetry mostly uses materialistic and erotic symbols to refer to things sometimes supra-rational, super-natural, or even truths controversial or dogmatic. Here, symbol and symbolized stands as if on the diametrically opposite poles such that conceiving any relation between the two is taken as sacrilege of the symbolized itself. Among host of such symbols, sharab, shabab and saki (wine, women and wine-bearer) are the most common. Owing to their capacity of being used in endless variety, these are used heavily by most of the poets. In fact, very rare a poet would be found who had never used these symbols in his poetry. Since the three are misunderstood most of all but favorite with me,[1] I will take these three in this write-up and try to dispel the uneasiness about them. But, before that, it has to be acknowledged first that these do occur as symbols. Not always of course but many times.

Sharab or Wine is the most mistreated of all these symbols. To fully understand the import of this symbol, it is necessary to know its relation with its allied symbols like paimana (goblet), maikhana (tavern), saki (wine-bearer) and of course, zahid (the teetotaler) and vaaiz (the orthodox maulvi) with whom it is negatively correlated, to say. Together all of these give the appearance of only wine being talked about, or praised as if. Though, it may not be always the case. The origination of these symbols in Urdu shayari is undated, but earliest accounts of them come from the poetry of medieval times, especially Mughal era. In Mughal era, Urdu shayari got major boost in the form of royal patronages to the poets. The patrons would often preside over the mushairas (poetry-recital) amid freely flowing wine by beautiful damsels. Since, mushairas were those days major source of entertainment and patrons not less than god for the poor shayars; it is too natural for the shayar to link the bounties of the patron to his poor lot with freely flowing wine to the empty goblet. Unconsciously thus, these words came to abound in the ghazals of the contemporary poets and seeped to the later gazal-goz (gazal writers) as legacy. The shayars darned them in various garbs, and made them the symbols gradually. They would often use them to say things scoffed at, forbidden, or expose societal insularity, as in these ashaar (couplets)

vaaiz na tum peeyo, na kisi ko pila sako
kya baat hai tumhari sharab-e-tahoor ki (ghalib)

zahid sharab peene de masjid mein baith kar
ya woh jagah bata de jahan par khuda na ho (daag dehlvi)

ik jagah baith kar pee lun mera dastoor nahi
meykada tang bana lun mujhe manzoor nahi (jigar muradabadi)

Tang-meykada (small tavern) symbolizes more the confinement of thought, than geographical measurements of a physical structure which shayar emphatically wants to reject. His intention is more of expanding into the world than remaining in the cloistered seclusion of his own thought. Ghalib, going beyond the societal taboos, wages a direct war on the religious dogmas which consciously inculcate such a constraint in the individual. Sharab-e-tahoor is the mythical river of wine that flows in the heaven about which Ghalib is skeptical. The religious dogma assures the hoors, paris (both as fairies) and sharab-e-tahoor for the devotees who remain loyal to the creed and hellish fires for the defectors. Ameer Minai finds the effort of assuring post-mortem awards to be worthless since in the end, the dreams of both the devotee and drunkard are found to be identical. See, in this sheir:

juda hai dukhtar-e-raj ka naam har sohbat mein ae saki
pari hai meykashon mein, hoor hai parhezgaron mein (Ameer Minai)

The ultimate end of the devotee is then what? What for all this worshipping or devotion is in the last? Nothing but a pleasurable existence in the heaven, no? In the end, all the religious creeds then do nothing but providing a means to enjoy eternal pleasure without restrictions, without reservations. Almost every religion of the world has the concept of heaven as the ultimate reward of an individual’s devotion in the world. The descriptions may differ, but character-wise all heavens are places of unbounded pleasure – mostly sensual. Does not the shier then expose the shallowness of religions whereby loyalties are sought after by ensuring premium gifts in the end like marketing strategies of the corporates? But, what Minai wishes to emphasize is more than that. He seems to equate the goal of a drunkard with that of a parhezgaar or those abstaining from indulgences. Only names are different, but goals of two are essentially the same. What abstainer calls a Hoor (elf), drunkard calls Pari (fairy). The shier is then not just an effort of devising a controversial equation. It has more psychological underpinnings to it. It equates the effort and abstention of the two and enlightens the other that what he seeks after death, the other one get right here in the world itself – if pleasure is the goal entirely.

Vaaiz is another celebrated symbol of Urdu Shayari standing for religious taboos related to wine-drinking. He represents the orthodoxy of the religious creeds which deny minimalist of freedom to the individual. He is a conservative maulvi who going by the religious sanctions is always at the loggerheads with drunken-shayar. Not a single ghazal have I come across so far in which shayar is at peace with Vaaiz. It is, thus, not shayar-vs-vaaiz in the end, but religion-vs-individual - individual who is frustrated by always going by the dictates of religion, who asks for the freedom to bear his grief in his own way rather than prescribed by religion. Vaaiz is the domineering authority who imposes the prescriptions rather forcefully with implicit caveat of excommunication. For such Vaaizes, Zauk has one beautiful suggestion

Zauk jo madrason ke bigre hue hain mulla
unhein maikhane le aao, sanvar jayeinge

Against the decrees of Vaaiz is Saki – the wine-bearer, another misunderstood symbol in Urdu poetry. Of course it is used literally as well, but mostly it is used to refer to something other than a mere wine-server. Before and during mughal era, Sakis were usually the young ladies who used to serve wine from their long-neck surahis to the drinkers. Rather than a wine-server, Saki stands for one whose kind attention is sought after constantly – like a devotee seeks the attention of his lord. Drunkard is at the mercy of Saki in the tavern. By his silent devotion, he waits and craves for her attention. Saki is the fountainhead of bounties for the poor drunkard. The bounty of saki - the flowing wine into the goblet – is the measure of attention she gives to her devotees. She is seen in various garbs of a beloved, charmer, master, administrator, lord of the tavern – at times just, at times unjust. Usually, however, it is the beautiful beloved that drunkard conceives Saki to be. More than a beloved, however, Saki symbolizes the concept of Love itself - Love that encompasses the virtues of care, sympathy and solace.

Often, it is through voice of the drunkard that Shayar speaks out to the world. The protagonist in Urdu poetry is gloriously portrayed as a poor drunkard. The poverty-stricken youth weighed down the by hard ways of the world, mesmerized and distressed equally at the indifference of the people, choking taboos of the society, and the callous hostility of the companions. This unsophisticated drunkard is at home in not the civilized society, but uncivilized tavern! Ghalib, Zauk, Meer, Sauda, Minai, Riyaz Khairabadi, Jigar Muradabadi etc, pictured the protagonist of their couplets as a penniless, wretched drunkard. As a symbol, this drunkard portrays the individual who lives and dies impoverished, victimized and misunderstood. It depicts the existential reality of the individual in the society characterized by sanctions, taboos, and social ostracism of various kinds on acts as commonplace as drinking wine. Where the minimalist freedom to the individual is denied, the most innocuous acts of drinking wine become a gunaah or a sin, and courting love, an act of butprasti or worshipping physical icons. Variously called, Rind, Meykash, Meynosh, Badakash, Badakhawar, or Meykhawar, this drunkard is a lonely figure, love-sick, victim of the world’s fickleness and betrayal especially of beloved and friends. He is averse to the authority, be it social or divine. He sees society and god in grey shades and feels being cheated by both of them alike. He craves for a delicate sensitivity in the Faith, but finds instead unquestionable allegiance. He longs for humanism in societal codes, but finds rather the endless walls of separation between men and men. Disillusioned thus, he finds maikhana rather more egalitarian than the world. He is more at home in tavern which does not ask either his creedal fellowship, or unflinching adherence to its rituals. It is the place of the realization of his personal freedom. He is at once the member and master of his maikhana. He is attached to every brick of this tavern like a moth is attached to the flame so much so that he feels a mortal threat by even the chance intrusion of outside forces. To the apathetic society, the religion, the eternal law of the universe, the drunkard has to say,

laazim hai meykade ki shariyat ka ehtmaam, 
e daur-e-rozgaar, jara larkhara ke chal
dair-o- haram nahi to kharabat hi sahi
e gardish-e-zamana, kahin to kayam kar (Abdul Hameed ‘Adam’)
nasha-e-ishq ka gar zarf dia tha mujhko
umar ka tang na paimana banaya hota
roz-e-mamoora-e-duniya mein kharabi hai zafar
aisi basti ko to veerana banaya hota (Bahadur Shah ‘Zafar’)

Frustrated of the incessant activity of the indifferent society, the only shelter of the lonely drunkard is the tavern where he can forget himself, and only solace – the Saki who holds the cup of his salvation. Saki is the only companion of the drunkard in this world-cum-tavern who faithfully remains with him throughout all the ordeals. To Saki, he can lay bare his self, with whom he can be himself. Saki is the twin-soul of this drunkard who shares his miseries with utmost love and care. Saki is the eternal audience to which the shayar, the perpetual drunkard of the tavern, talk to. Saki is the sympathetic ear to the unheard pathos of the shayar. It is no surprise therefore that most of the shayars have talked to Saki in most flattering terms. Dedicating gazals to her, they eulogize her beauty, praise her bounties (in form of sympathy-cum-wine), and crave her very presence around them. They feel elated and on top of the world by her simple glance. Mere her presence is enough to turn the nizam-e-meykhana (the administration of tavern) topsy-turvy. Then, Saki is not someone serving wine, but a goblet full of wine herself

magar usko fareb nargis-e-mastana aata hai
ulatati hai safein, gardish mein jab paimana ata hai (Aatish)

The drunk shayar is always in the competing spirits with his companions for the fleeting attention of Saki. Saki is the everlasting beloved of the drunken shayar whom he craves to take possession of. A restless soul, he is ever ready to renounce his possessions, his Faith, his very life at her mere hint

baat saki ki na tali jayegi

karke tauba tor dali jayegi (Habib Jaleel)

ankh ko jaam samjh baitha tha anjane mein
saakiya hosh kahan tha tere diwane mein (Shamim Shahbadi)

Although, Saki is more than a beloved, however because of her endless conceiving as a lover, shabab has been considered in equal loving veneration by the poets. Owing to its varied dimensions, shabab too deserves symbolic rather than literal interpretation. Literally, shabab refers to beauty. Metaphorically, it may refer to the beauty personified as in a charming damsel, or worldly pleasures, or even divinity itself, according to the context. The soul battered by the torments of the life craves for a delicate touch that may put the balm of care on the exuding wounds. The sufis had famously compared god to the beloved, much like the Hindu conception of God as Krishna, and individual selves as gopis. As an immanent reality god that exists everywhere, Ameer Minai vouches for the courage and patience to the eager soul,

kon si jaa hai jahan jalwa-e-mashook nahi
shauk-e-deedar agar hai to nazar paida kar

Only an ignorant would interpret mashook as just lover that would be doing injustice to the true meaning of the couplet. Rather than being atheist as his other couplets on narrow interpretation might suggest, Minai emphasizes the immanence of divinity instead and advise a tolerant courage to the seekers.

To take the symbols, thus, on surface without delving deeper is completely misreading the Urdu poetry. Since such a practice would normally be considered churlish and uncouth in other languages, such is totally ignored while reading Urdu poetry. Not only the symbols are taken carelessly literal, but are offensively distorted in the process as well. It is out-an-out misinterpretation of Urdu poetry which is wholly unwarranted. To consider it as a compendium of eulogizing jingles of liquor and beauty by misunderstanding the same is to defame it. Such an act speaks not the sympathetic concern of the critics for standards of poetry, but boorishness of their thought. It tells the narrow-minded chauvinism against Urdu language as a whole. Such baseless and unfair condemnation is not only un-poetical, unethical, but criminal as well. It is like the washing the minds of the naive readers even before they come to relish Urdu poetry. It is like playing with their beliefs which they put in the sayings of such critics.

It is not that critics, whether lay or professional, are not aware of such nuances of Urdu poetry. For these are more or less similar in all the languages. This has nothing to do anything with the prior knowledge at all. Nor intellectual competence is required. It is concerned rather with the attitude, the perspective with which one approaches the language. It should be honestly admitted now that people do not as innocently approach Urdu as they do other languages. Their perspective towards Urdu language is shaped by the social reality they live in. This social reality which is politically shaped! And this perspective is disappointingly biased, unfair and detrimental to urdu language as such. It wont be insignificant at this point to expose one more disgusting attitude of the people whereby a language is linked with the religious identity of the speaker. It is the most depressing aspect of all this turmoil that people quickly relate language with the religion. So, a Hindi, by their view, rightly is of Hindus, Punjabi of Sikhs and Urdu of Muslims only! Such deeply has ingrained this sordid belief that people gape with wonder seeing a Hindu speaking Urdu, or a Muslim discoursing about Sanskrit. This ‘wonder’ often gives me fits! Language is never, never of religion, or region only. It is of people. It belongs to people who speak it, whoever or wherever they might be. Language lives and nourished in the hands of people. Such wonders are what lead to bigotry and make the world of their believers small and choking. These wonders, in fact, build the perspectives from which such misreadings, that we talked about, ensue. Rather than linguist incompetence, thus, more socio-political prejudices are responsible for abetting and spreading such an adverse attitude for Urdu poetry and its chronic misinterpretation at the hands of ignorant fools. Unless and until, people come out of the claustrophobic world of their own language only, honest appreciation of any other language is not possible. It is incumbent upon people, therefore, to come forward and save language from such chauvinist onslaughts. Urdu is as much of Sikhs or Hindus, as Hindi is of Hindus or Muslims. Unless this general belongingness is there it appears difficult to stop the misconceptions lurking in people about Urdu shayari. Instead of being an apathetic Vaaiz, let people be Saki instead, and lend a sympathetic ear to the pathos of the Urdu gazal moaning at her degradation in the hands of bigots. Let gazals be the sweet voice of heart of shayars, and Urdu language - pride of nation once again,

Urdu hai naam jiska yeh humin jante hain Daag
Hindustan mein dhoom hamari zubaan ki hai (Daag Dehlavi)

Gagan Rism is a research scholar studying in IIT Bombay, India. For the last 11 years she is writing fiction - short stories and poetry which have been published in various journals/anthologies of India. Email- gaganrism@gmail.com

 


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