کون
کہتا ہے
پاکستان
آزاد
جمہوری
ریاست
نہیں
وسعت
اللہ خان
اگر میں
غلط نہیں
ہوں تو
پاکستان
اس وقت
دنیا کے
اُن گنے
چنے
ممالک
میں شامل
ہے جہاں
نا کتابی
جمہوریت
ہے اور نا
ننگی
آمریت
بلکہ یہ
ممالک
مینیو
سسٹم کے
تحت کام
کررہے
ہیں۔
فرد سے لے
کر حکومت
تک جب
چاہیں،
جیسے
چاہیں
اور جس
وقت
چاہیں
پسند کے
مصالحوں
سے اپنی
مرضی کی
زندگی کا
پیزا
تخلیق
کرسکتے
ہیں۔مثلاً
رہائشی
مینیو!
اگر آپ بے
صلاحیت
ہیں تو فٹ
پاتھ،
گھاس،
جھونپڑی
یا کسی
بھی زیرِ
تعمیر یا
خالی
بلڈنگ
میں رہ
سکتے
ہیں۔اگر
آپ
باصلاحیت
ہیں تو
سرکاری و
نجی
اراضی پر
کلاشنکوف
لہرا کے
اپنی سکت
کے
اعتبار
سے مکان
یا
مکانات
بنا سکتے
ہیں۔
کلاشنکوف
میّسر نا
ہو تو کسی
بھی
سیاسی
جماعت یا
گروہ کا
جھنڈا
بطور
کلاشنکوف
بلند
کرسکتے
ہیں۔جائز
زاتی
مکان میں
بھی رہ
سکتے ہیں
اور ہمت
ہے تو
کرائے کے
مکان کو
بھی ذاتی
تصور
کرسکتے
ہیں۔
آپ اپنی
رہائش کا
بندوبست
کسی بھی
شکل میں
کریں
ریاست کو
کوئی
اعتراض
نہیں
کیونکہ
ریاست
بھی تو
یہی
چاہتی ہے
کہ ہر
شہری کے
سر پر
سائبان
ہو چاہے
کسی بھی
شکل و
صورت میں
ہو۔
صحت و
تعلیم کا
مینیو!
ہر شہری
کو حق ہے
کہ وہ
اپنی
پسندیدہ
سواری کا
انتخاب
کرے۔ریاست
صرف یہ
چاہتی ہے
کہ
شہریوں
کا حقِ
سفر
پامال نا
ہو اور
کرائے کی
کمی
بیشی،
ٹرانسپورٹ
کے معیار
اور نظام
الاوقات
کے
معاملات
آزاد
منڈی کے
اصول طے
کریں۔
ریاست ہر
شہری کو
صحت مند
دیکھنا
چاہتی ہے
۔لہذا ہر
شہری کا
حق ہے کہ
وہ اپنا
علاج خود
کرے یا
سرکاری
اسپتال
کی پرچی
پر کالا
شربت
حاصل
کرے،
بستر پر
لیٹے کہ
برآمدے
میں پسر
جائے۔
ہومیو
پیتھی کا
سہارا لے
کہ جادو
ٹونے یا
دم درود
کا۔ کسی
پیر فقیر
کے مزار
پر جاکے
پڑ جائے
یا نجی
اسپتال
میں داخل
ہوجائے
یا اپنے
یا
سرکاری
خرچے پر
بیرونِ
ملک چلا
جائے،
بھلے ایک
نمبر دوا
خریدے یا
دو نمبر۔
مریض
کتنی فیس
دے سکتا
ہے اور
ڈاکٹر
کتنی فیس
لے سکتا
ہے یہ
خالصتاً
مریض اور
معالج کا
معاملہ
ہے۔
ریاست کا
کام صرف
اتنا ہے
کہ وہ
مریض اور
معالج کی
آزادی کا
تحفظ
کرے۔
یہی
مینیو
تعلیم کے
شعبے کے
لئے بھی
ہے۔ مکتب
سکول،
پیلا
سکول،
اردو
میڈیم،
انگلش
میڈیم،
ایک نمبر
ڈگری، دو
نمبر
ڈگری
جیسی جس
کی جیب
ویسی
تعلیم
اور ویسا
روزگار۔۔۔۔
ریاست
مکمل غیر
جانبدار
ہے۔
ٹرانسپورٹ
مینیو!
ہر شہری
کو حق ہے
کہ وہ
اپنی
پسندیدہ
سواری کا
انتخاب
کرے۔اگر
وہ کسی
ٹرین کے
چوبیس
گھنٹے
لیٹ ہونے
کو سہہ
سکتا ہے
تو ٹرین
سے سفر
کرے۔
چاہے تو
اکہری
سڑک پر
ایک سو
بیس
کلومیٹر
کی رفتار
سے دوڑنے
والی بین
الا
اضلاعی
بسوں میں
بیٹھ
جائے یا
ویگن کی
چھت اور
پائیدان
سے لٹک
جائے۔
پیسے ہوں
تو رکشے،
ٹیکسی
اور جہاز
کا سہارا
لے لے
ورنہ
پیدل،
گدھے یا
اونٹ پر
روانہ
ہوجائے۔
ریاست
صرف یہ
چاہتی ہے
کہ
شہریوں
کا حقِ
سفر
پامال نا
ہو اور
کرائے کی
کمی
بیشی،
ٹرانسپورٹ
کے معیار
اور نظام
الاوقات
کے
معاملات
آزاد
منڈی کے
اصول طے
کریں۔
انصاف کا
مینیو!
ریاست کا
مقصد تو
انصاف کی
شفاف
فراہمی
ہے۔
ہر شہری،
پولیس
اور حساس
اداروں
کا یہ حق
عملاً
تسلیم
کیا جاتا
ہے کہ وہ
چاہے تو
اپنے طور
پر ملزم
کو سزائے
موت سمیت
کوئی بھی
سزا دے
سکتا ہے
یا مروجہ
قانونی
راستہ
بھی
اختیار
کرسکتا
ہے۔اگر
تھانے
میں ایف
آئی آر
درج
کرواسکتا
ہے تو
کروا لے۔
پرچہ
کٹنے سے
پہلے مُک
مُکا
کرنا
چاہتا ہے
یا پرچے
میں
ردّوبدل
کروانے
کی سکت
رکھتا ہے
تو یہ بھی
کرلے۔
انگریزی،
شرعی،
قبائلی
اور ایف
سی آر
قوانین
میں سے
انتخاب
کا مینیو
بھی
موجود
ہے۔ چاہے
تو کوئی
بھی
ادارہ یا
شہری
عدالت یا
عدالتی
فیصلہ
مانے یا
دل نا
مانے تو
نا مانے۔
ریاست کا
مقصد تو
انصاف کی
شفاف
فراہمی
ہے۔ اس
قدر شفاف
کہ نظر ہی
نا آئے۔
انتظامی
مینیو!
ہر شہری
کو حق ہے
کہ وہ
کمشنریٹ
نظام کے
تحت
زندگی
بسر کرے
یا
بلدیاتی
نظام میں
سانس
لے۔کنٹونمنٹ
کے
قوانین
کو
اپنائے
یا شہری
انتظامیہ
سے رجوع
کرے۔
بندوق
بردار
وڈیرے کی
سنے یا
شہروں
میں ڈاکو
راج کے
تحت رہے۔
جان و مال
و
کاروبار
کا خود
تحفظ کرے
یا کسی کو
بھتہ دے
کر گلو
خلاصی
کروائے۔
چاہے تو
ایمانداری
سے نوکری
کرکے
اوپر
والوں کی
ناراضگی
کا
مقابلہ
کرے یا
کتّے سے
وفاداری
کا سبق
سیکھ لے۔
جدید
جمہوری
ریاست وہ
ہوتی ہے
جہاں
شہریوں
کو ہر
شعبے میں
مکمل
آزادی
اور ملٹی
پل
چوائسز
میّسر
ہوں اور
ریاست کی
مداخلت
کم سے کم
ہو۔اگر
یہ تشریح
درست ہے
تو پھر
کون کہتا
ہے کہ
پاکستان
ایک جدید
آزاد
جمہوری
ریاست
نہیں۔۔۔۔
مجھے
بات نہیں
کرنی!
وسعت
اللہ خان
مجھے آج
ایسے
ممالک
اور
معاشروں
کی بات ہی
نہیں
کرنی جو
دو ہزار
گیارہ کی
دنیا میں
بھی
دائرے
میں چلتے
رہنے کو
سفر
جانتے
ہیں،
کنوئیں
میں پڑے
کتے پر
کپڑا ڈال
کے
سمجھتے
ہیں کہ
پانی پاک
ہوگیا،
گندگی کے
ڈھیر کو
پہاڑی کی
شکل دے کر
اسے
خوشبودار
مٹی سے
لیپ دیتے
ہیں۔
جو دل سے
قائل ہیں
کہ ان کی
ننانوے
فیصد
غلطیوں
اور
غفلتوں
کے ذمہ
دار
دوسرے
ہیں۔ اگر
وہ یہ یہ
یہ یہ نہ
کرتے تو
ہم بھی وہ
وہ وہ نہ
کرتے۔
جنہوں نے
دماغ کو
تاریک
قید خانے
میں ڈال
کر دل کو
اس کا
دربان
مقرر
کردیا
ہے۔ جو شک
کے پانی
کو آبِ
حیات
سمجھتے
ہیں۔
جو اپنے
کرتوتوں
کو خدا کے
سر منڈھ
کر عذابِ
الہی کا
نوحہ
پڑھتے
ہیں اور
اگلے ہی
لمحے پھر
سے پھنے
خان بن کر
فرضی و
اصلی
دشمنوں
کو خلط
ملط کرکے
ہوا میں
تلوار
بازی
شروع
کردیتے
ہیں اور
اپنے ہی
دادیوں
سے واہ
واہ سن کر
سمجھتے
ہیں کہ
پالا مار
لیا بھئی!
مجھے صرف
ان ممالک
کی بات
کرنی ہے
جہاں
غلطی کو
غلطی ،
غفلت کو
غفلت اور
جرم کو
جرم
تسلیم
کرکے خود
احتسابی
کے نشتر
سے پوسٹ
مارٹم
کیا جاتا
ہے تاکہ
سارا
کھاتہ
صاف کرکے
نئے
ارادے
اور عزم
کے ساتھ
آگے بڑھا
جا سکے۔
جیسے
ترک،
جنہوں نے
اکیانوے
برس پہلے
طے کرلیا
کہ ہوسِ
ملک گیری
ایسا
اژدھا ہے
جو آخر
میں خود
ہی کو نگل
جاتا
ہے۔غلام
بنانے
والا
بالاخر
خود بھی
غلامی کی
دھلیز پر
پہنچ
جاتا ہے۔
بہتر یہی
ہے کہ
بکھرنے
سے پہلے
خود کو
سمیٹ کر
جدید
نظامِ
زندگی کے
منفی
پہلوؤں
سے بچتے
ہوئے
مثبت
مثالوں
سے
استفادہ
کیا جائے
اور
دوسروں
کو خود
داری کا
درس دینے
سے پہلے
یہ سبق
خود پر
نافذ کیا
جائے۔اس
کے بعد
ترکی نے
پیچھے مڑ
کر نہیں
دیکھا۔
آج مجھے
نہ تو سن
پینسٹھ
کی
پاکستان
انڈیا
جنگ، سن
اکہتر کی
جنگِ
بنگلہ
دیش، سن
نواسی کے
تباہ کن
جلال
آباد
حملے، سن
ننانوے
کی کرگل
لڑائی
اور دو
ہزار
پانچ کے
عبدالقدیر
خان نیٹ
ورک
سکینڈل
کے ذمہ
داروں پر
کوئی بات
کرنی ہے
اور نہ ہی
اسامہ کے
ڈرامہ پر
کچھ کہنا
ہے۔جیسے
جرمن ، جو
سن
پینتالیس
کے بعد اس
نتیجے پر
پہنچ گئے
کہ اب
باہر
والوں سے
نہیں
لڑنا۔اپنے
آپ سے
لڑنا ہے
اور ایسا
سماج
تشکیل
دینا ہے
جہاں
دوبارہ
کوئی
قیصر،
کوئی
ہٹلر اور
کوئی
گوئبلز
جنم نہ لے
سکے۔جہاں
صرف
تعلیمی
سمر کیمپ
اور
کھلاڑیوں
کے کیمپ
بنیں
کوئی
کنسنٹریشن
کیمپ نہ
بن سکے۔
جیسے
جاپانی،
جنہوں نے
چھپن برس
پہلے خود
پر ایٹم
بم گرنے
کے بعد
پوری
دنیا کو
اپنی
چراگاہ
سمجھنے
کی ذہنیت
ترک کرکے
آئین سے
جارحیت
کا لفظ ہی
کھرچ
ڈالا اور
خود سے
مباحثہ
کرکے اس
نتیجے پر
پہنچے کہ
جنگ اب
ہتھیار
سے نہیں
صنعت ،
ایجاد
اور
جدیدیت
کے ذریعے
لڑنی ہے۔
جیسے
کیوبن ،
جنہوں نے
باون برس
پہلے قسم
کھائی کہ
اب
امریکہ
سے نہ کچھ
لینا ہے
نہ دینا
ہے۔ اپنی
محنت پر
تکیہ
کرنا ہے۔
معیارِ
زندگی
بڑھے گا
تو ایک
ایک شہری
کا بڑھے
گا۔ نہیں
بڑھے گا
تو کسی کا
نہیں
بڑھے گا۔
دوست صرف
اسے
بنانا ہے
جو دوستی
کے پردے
میں قومی
معیشت و
خود داری
کو ریپ نہ
کرے ۔کسی
بھی
دوستی کو
بیساکھی
نہیں
بننے
دینا ہے۔
اس وقت
مجھے کچھ
افراد
بھی یاد
آرہے ہیں
جنہوں نے
اپنی
ناکامیوں
کو
کامیابی
کی چادر
میں نہیں
لپیٹا
اور خود
کو جزا و
سزا کے
عمل کے
حوالے
کردیا۔
جیسے سن
چھپن کی
جنگِ
سویز میں
برطانیہ
کو
جھونکنے
والے
وزیرِ
اغطم
انتھونی
ایڈن نے
ذمہ داری
قبول
کرتے
ہوئے
پانچ برس
کی مدت
پوری
کرنے کی
ضد نہیں
کی اور
استعفیٰ
دے دیا۔
مجھے صرف
ان ممالک
کی بات
کرنی ہے
جہاں
غلطی کو
غلطی ،
غفلت کو
غفلت اور
جرم کو
جرم
تسلیم
کرکے خود
احتسابی
کے نشتر
سے پوسٹ
مارٹم
کیا جاتا
ہے تاکہ
سارا
کھاتہ
صاف کرکے
نئے
ارادے
اور عزم
کے ساتھ
آگے بڑھا
جا
سکے۔جیسے
سن باسٹھ
میں چین
سے لڑائی
میں شکست
کی ذمہ
داری
قبول
کرتے
ہوئے
بھارتی
وزیرِ
دفاع
کرشنا
مینن نے
استعفی
دے دیا
اور
وزیرِ
اعظم
جواہر
لال نہرو
نے
پارلیمنٹ
کے فلور
پر
اعتراف
کیا کہ
شکست کی
وجہ یہ ہے
کہ ہم
سوئے
ہوئے تھے
اور اپنے
ہی
خوابوں
کی دنیا
میں تھے۔
جیسے سن
سڑسٹھ کی
جنگ میں
اسرائیل
سے شکستِ
فاش
کھانے
والے
مصری
کمانڈر
فیلڈ
مارشل
عبدالحکیم
عامر نے
مارے
غیرت کے
خودکشی
کرلی۔
جمال
عبدالناصر
نے صدارت
سے
استعفی
دے دیا۔
لاکھوں
مصریوں
نے انکے
محل کا
گھیراؤ
کرکے
استعفی
واپس
لینے پر
مجبور تو
کردیا
لیکن
ناصر
اندر سے
مرچکا
تھا۔ڈیڑھ
برس بعد
اس کے دل
نے بھی
زندگی سے
استعفیٰ
دے دیا۔
جیسے سن
چوہتر
میں رچرڈ
نکسن نے
واٹر گیٹ
اسکینڈل
کی
ریکارڈنگز
کو جعلی
یا اپنی
منتخب
صدارت کے
خلاف غیر
ملکی
سازش
قرار
دینے کی
کوشش
نہیں کی۔
اعتراف
کیا کہ
ہاں یہ سب
کچھ ہوا
ہے اور
بحثیت
صدر میں
ذمہ دار
ہوں اور
نکسن نے
کانگریس
کےسامنے
مواخذے
سے پہلے
ہی
استعفی
دے دیا۔
آج مجھے
نہ تو سن
پینسٹھ
کی
پاکستان
انڈیا
جنگ، سن
اکہتر کی
جنگِ
بنگلہ
دیش، سن
نواسی کے
تباہ کن
جلال
آباد
حملے، سن
ننانوے
کی کرگل
لڑائی
اور دو
ہزار
پانچ کے
عبدالقدیر
خان نیٹ
ورک
سکینڈل
کے ذمہ
داروں پر
کوئی بات
کرنی ہے
اور نہ ہی
اسامہ کے
ڈرامہ پر
کچھ کہنا
ہے۔
The
cries of religious minorities of Pakistan are crossing the
border
By:Nasir
Saeed

The issue of the blasphemy law is still making
headlines in the national and international media and it
seems that it is no more simply a local issue but has
crossed over our borders and into the consciousness of the
world’s religious and political leaders.
First, Pope Benedict XVIII asked the Government of
Pakistan to change or repeal the law and release Asia Bibi.
This was followed quickly by similar calls from Theresa
May, the British home minister, and now even the European
Union, representing 29 European states.They do so out of
deep concern that the blasphemy law is being misused on a
regular basis and is a tool for radicals to persecute
minorities. They are not unaware that the blasphemy law is
as good as a licence for extremists to kill innocent
people.For years now, minorities have demanded a change to
the law and yet the government has done nothing. Either it
has no interest in the suffering of minorities or it is
too scared of extremists to show any – I suspect the
latter.With the murder of Salmaan Taseer, the government
has as good as conceded that change is impossible and
decided not to even try after facing strong opposition by
the religious political parties and groups, although it
has formed a committee of religious leaders to calm down
the situation.The government should not be fearful of
religious groups but instead use this opportunity wisely
to bring about the change that is right.The Government
seems to be in a difficult situation. On the one hand they
are facing internal pressure from the Deeni Ithehad (a
bloc of religious groups) who are continually rallying
against any changes to the blasphemy law. On the other
hand, foreign pressure is slowly mounting for changes to
occur.
 
The Pope has now in recent months twice asked the
Pakistani Government to change the blasphemy law. In the
past he has expressed his concern over the unfair
treatment of Christians and as one who speaks for
Christians worldwide, it is imperative that he continues
to speak out. He is not speaking simply about the plight
of Pakistani Christians but the millions of Christians
being persecuted worldwide and especially in Muslim
countries.Christians are grateful but it has annoyed the
Muslim world, especially Pakistani Muslims, and they are
continuing to protest and organise rallies. They are
asking the Pope to withdraw his statements but the Vatican
has said they have no intention of changing their policy.
The Vatican will continue to respond to the cries of the
persecuted Christians and advocating for religious freedom
in the Middle East too.
Stefan Muller, German parliamentarian, has also
expressed his concern over Christian persecution in Muslim
countries and has asked to reduce the grants given to
those countries where Christians are being persecuted. In
Britain, Theresa May has asked Pakistan to change the
blasphemy law.So far I have seen no reaction to these
demands in the Pakistani media, while opposition leader,
Chaudhry Nisar has had no problem in gaining coverage for
his strong condemnation of the European Union’s
statement of the European Union asking Pakistan to amend
the blasphemy law and release Aasia Bibi.
Chaudhry Nisar is irritated by the murmurs coming from
the EU and what he perceives to be the EU’s meddling in
Pakistan’s internal affairs. It remains the case,
however, that Pakistan is a strategic partner of the EU
and has signed a third generation agreement with the EU,
which obliges Pakistan to improve human rights.
Unfortunately, Pakistan ranks third in the world for human
rights violations, despite several European countries
giving us money to improve our human rights record –
that they are watching Pakistan closely should therefore
be understandable if not desirable.Pakistan wants access
to the European market and last year met the EU to discuss
this matter. The talks were inconclusive but have been
rekindled by an event far beyond this government’s
control. Whilst the floods caused havoc for millions of
Pakistan’s poor, they have proved to be something of a
lucky break for the government and rejuvenated talks on
Pakistan’s access to Europe’s markets.It will be
interesting to see how our leaders proceed but they should
know they are in no position to dictate the terms of
business to the EU. Instead of trying to deal with our
funders on our own terms, Pakistan should fulfil its
obligations just as the governments of European states are
duty-bound to their citizens.The money they give to
Pakistan is not theirs but the tax payers’ and European
governments are accountable to their citizens. The
European Union is not like Pakistan where ministers and
politicians don’t pay any taxes and live a luxurious
lifestyle at the expense of the public who largely live in
deprivation. People are committing suicide because they
have no money and selling their children because they
cannot feed them, while children are selling themselves to
support their parents.Our rulers and politicians have
foreign bank balances, offshore accounts and properties
where nobody is even living but are still costing
thousands of pounds to maintain, while ordinary people
cannot even earn enough each day to meet their daily needs.
Chaudhry Nisar Sahib, for your information, this is not
the first time that the EU has raised the issue of
blasphemy, mistreatment of minorities, growing extremism
and the issues of human rights violations in Pakistan. The
European troika has raised all these issues in their
regular demarches and the Government has neither stopped
them nor considered it an interference in the past so why
now?
Unfortunately, this is going to continue unless we
become self reliant in all respects and minorities are
treated fairly. Or should we just resort to disowning them,
pushing them out of Pakistan, or forcing them to convert
to Islam? Some would sadly be happy with any of these
options.After 63 years, minorities are still not equal
citizens of Pakistan, despite their equality being
guaranteed by the founder of Pakistan, Quaid El Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah. We looked upon them with hate and
discriminate against them in all walks of life. They have
been crying out but we have never paid any attention and
now their cries are reaching the ears of those outside
Pakistan.Some foreign aid is given to Pakistan just for
minorities and human rights but these grants are hardly
used for these purposes. But where our own government
cannot protect them and provide security, God has his own
plans.It is the responsibility and duty of our government
and politicians to look into the issue of the mistreatment
of religious minorities carefully and use this opportunity
to learn from their mistakes and eliminate foreign
interference wherever possible, instead of being angry
over the statements of the Pope and the EU.
The blasphemy law has not been changed, not for
religious reasons but for political. If that is to be the
case for the foreseeable future, at least the government
must move to stop it from being misused. On that front,
there is hope as most political and religious leaders seem
to be willing to stop its misuse including.Now the onus is
on the government to make this happen. The government has
formed a 10-member committee of religious leaders to look
into this matter but I suggest that the government forms a
larger committee comprising lawyers, religious leaders,
scholars, politicians and minorities so that there is a
rational and sober dialogue on the issue of the blasphemy
law and reach some kind of consensus.We have much larger
and critical issues to resolve before the public use
Tunisia’s example and we are left with no choice. Since
everybody has agreed that this law is being misused,
let’s start with introducing safeguards to this law so
nobody can misuse it to settle their personal scores and
nobody could use it as an excuse to interfere in our
internal affairs.
Pakistanis
Shout for Secularism, Minority Rights and
End to Islamization
People of Islamabad got
together in front of the Parliament House on Dec 30,
2010 in order to protest against a highly discriminatory
Blasphemy Laws of the country, parallel judicial
structures especially the Shariat Court especially
Shariat Court’s recent Judgment against the Women’s
Protection Act (WPA) that brought little relief to women
who were being booked under notorious Hudood Laws (throughly
anti-women & religious minorities laws promulgated
by the military dictator Zia-ul-Haq in 1979 as a part of
his Islamization drive). The citizens were gathered
under Insani Haqooq Ittehaad (Human Rights Alliance) an
alliance of more than 30 civil society organizations and
many human rights activists, media personalities,
academicians, professional people, women entrepreneurs
etc.

According to the Judgment
of the Federal Shariat Court, not only the key
provisions of the WPA have been taken back to Hudood,
but also Shariat Court’s jurisdiction is extended to
cover what is the constitutional mandate of Supreme
Court of Pakistan. The protesters were concerned
not only for the diminishing space of country’s apex
Court – Supreme Court of Pakistan – in the wake of
the Judgment given by Federal Shariat Court (FSC) a week
ago, but also for the existence of FSC per se. They
revived their two decades old demand of abolishing the
FSC altogether and ensure a uniform judicial system in
the country.Those who participated the protest, were
particularly raising voice for the release of Aasiya
Bibi, a Christian woman who has recently been sentenced
to death under Blasphemy Laws, which many citizens are
convinced are badly drafted and are used as an
oppressive tool against not only religious minorities
but powerless and marginalized sections of the society.
They, however, called upon the Parliament to go for a
repeal of Blasphemy Law altogether or a massive
amendment to make it toothless. They renewed their
resolve to support all those political forces who at
this juncture are striving for the change in status quo.
They committed their support to the Bill for the Repeal
of Blasphemy Laws moved in National Assembly by a woman
Member (Ms. Bushra Gauhar) from Awami National Party and
another Bill on the Amendment of Blasphemy Laws moved in
National Assembly by the ruling party member Ms. Sherry
Rehman. Appreciation was also extended to the work of
the Parliamentary Sub-Committee on Minorities’ Rights
Chaired by Ms. Nafisa Shah towards this common objective,
as well as the attempt made by the Governor of Punjab
for the release / Presidential pardon of Aasiya
Bibi.They however, urged that all these political
leaders should not bow down before the pressure of
obscurantist forces within the parliament and in the
political parties currently a part of ruling coalition.
The protesters, however,
were very angry and raised their strong concerns over
the highly objectionable, irresponsible and discouraging
statements given by the Law Minister, Senator Babar Awan
and the Labour & Manpower Minister Mr. Khursheed
Shah. They demanded immediate retraction of these
offensive statements against eh Blasphemy Laws Amendment
/ Repeal by these two cabinet members and urged the
Prime Minister to take serious note if the government is
serious in supporting an Amendment / Repeal in the
Blasphemy Laws.
It is noteworthy that the
protesters decided to carry on with the demonstration
despite heavy rains that had engulfed the capital since
last night. A couple of hundred protesters on a rainy
day standing in front of the Parliament House and
chanting slogans for a secular Pakistan, a day before
the Shutter-down Strike Call by the religious parties,
were eager to make a dissent statement before the world
and show that Pakistan is not inhabited by religious
extremists and obscurantists. “We are not ready to
leave the field open for the Religious right to play. We
are there and the world should see we are not going to
knee down before any number of religious parties” said
a student from Iqra University Islamabad.
Following is the text of
a Press Statement that the IHI members and protesters
issued at the end of the demonstration before peacefully
dispersing from the venue.
Press
Statement
Representatives of civil society,
minorities and concerned citizens of Islamabad gathered
today under the auspices of the Insani Haqooq Ittehaad
– IHI (Human Rights Alliance) to denounce Federal
Shariat Court’s the recent decision on
Women’s Protection Act, demand the abolishing of
Federal Shariat Court and parallel judicial systems i.e.
Council of Islamic Ideology, Federal Shariat Court,
jirgas, panchayets, and repeal of all laws which
are discriminatory to women and minorities included Blasphemy
laws and Hudood laws. They also called for the
immediate dismissal of Maulana Shirani as the Chair of
the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII).The participants
of the rally were a diverse mix of civil society
organizations, women’s rights groups, human rights
activists, political workers, students’ organizations
and minority communities from Islamabad. They raised
slogans for a secular and democratic Pakistan. They
insisted that the government must work towards the
realization of the democratic, secular, and peaceful
vision of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s Pakistan,
a vision he clearly articulated in his speech on 11th
August 1947 when he stated that religion would have no
role to play in the business of the state.
The protesters chanted slogans and
demanded repeal of laws that discriminate against women
such as Hudood Laws and Qisas and Diyat Law. They also
reminded the government that the State has a due
diligence duty to ensure protection for women,
minorities and other vulnerable sections of the society
and should not bow down to political pressures and
blackmailing by religious parties.The demonstration was
part of countrywide campaign of the human rights
organizations and activist against the Federal Shariat
Court decision, in support of its abolishing and repeal
of Blasphemy laws. The protesters also
demanded that the government should stand up to the
retrogressive religious forces in the country and not
capitulate to their blackmail. They called upon the
government to ensure the rights of religious minorities
by immediately releasing Aasiya Bibi and repealing the
Blasphemy laws.
This protest was the beginning of a national campaign
that civil society organizations are starting in all
parts of Pakistan from today. Similar protests are
planned in all provinces. A national conference and
other follow-ups are also planned to demonstrate that
the progressive elements of Pakistani society will not
bow down to the attacks by the religious right against
women and minorities.
Ten
Comandments of Western Democracy
Democracy
is the new religion. Its commandments are mentioned below.

1. Thou shall not criticise the
neo-conservative version of democracy as embodied in the
personages of Tony Blair, George Bush and many others who
support them.
2. Thou shall use money, grave and
electronic images, companies and firms to wage a crusade
on non-democratic regimes. Neo-conservative think tanks
are the sole authority to define the democracy and other
forms of government.
3. Thou shall not uphold the cause of
damned who got what they deserved. Enemies of democracy do
not deserve the treatment our covenant offers to other
members of our tribe.
4. Thou shall work as much as you intend
to but thou shalt not question the laws imposed by the
people who give you bread out of Christian charity
inspired by love and fear of our god.
5. Honour your mother and father while
showing great respect to our leaders Bush, Blair and many
other exalted ones.
6. Thou shalt not kill local people but
thou shalt kill foreigners who killed us, tried to kill us
and many others who have nothing to do with us.
7. Adultery is your personal problem but
thou shall not abort.
8. Thou shall not steal being a
non-skilled, semi skilled worker but as business
executives, IT wizards, movie giants and celebrity
politicians you can steal as much as you want.
9. Thou shalt not bear false witness
against your neighbour but thou shalt finance and support
wars against people in distant lands without asking for
legal requirements. Thou could covet thy neighbour’s
wife but not his property.
10. Thou are free to torture, rob, loot,
plunder the foreigners as long as it does not become news.
We will ensure it does not become news but sometimes we
cannot help it.
Synod:
Christians and Islam demand religious freedom, to fight
extremism
by
Samir Khalil Samir
New strengths in mission
emerge at the Synod for the Middle East: the scourge of
extremism that suffocates Christians and Muslims, the need
to recognize Christians as citizens with full rights in
society, the right to the proclamation of the gospel. A
summary of the week’s proceedings by an expert at the
synodal assembly.
A new factor that
emerged forcefully during the Synod is that Christians are
not called to fight against Islam. On the contrary, the
interventions by Synod Fathers and Muslim guests expressed
the need to work together to stop extremism and ensure
full citizenship for Christians in Middle Eastern
societies.
We can say that the central idea that emerged in
the first week of the synod is the task of helping
Christians to live in the East, where Christianity was
born, but where it is now a minority.
1. Tolerance and discrimination
The biggest problem affecting all countries is
that Christians - slowly or suddenly – are emigrating,
firstly for political reasons, then economic reasons and
more often for reasons specific to religious
persecution. In some countries, the continuing
discrimination against Christians also plays a role.
Discrimination is the result of the attitude of
the Muslim majority that pertains to all countries in the
region. This attitude on a national level relegates
Christians to the role of second-class citizens.
Muslims always say that Islam is tolerant. In a
sense, the statement is true: Christians and Jews are
tolerated and have for centuries lived alongside Muslims,
in the Muslim empire. But Christians no longer want to be
tolerated; they want to be fully fledged citizens, period!
Islam was structured in legal and organizational terms in
the mid seventh to ninth century. At that time, the
concept of total equality between religions was not
conceived in the West or even among Christians. The cuius
regio eius religio reigned in Europe until 1600. We
must not therefore be surprised that the Muslim legal
system, which came into being no later that the ninth
century, did not give legal equality to Christians. This
system considers Christians and Jews as protected by the
Muslim power in exchange for their submission and becoming
dhimmi. This system, for the time, was not bad: it was the
most tolerant of the time and had already existed in
the Greek and Persian world. Among the Greeks, for example,
there were metochoi, those who live with us "in our
house", those who share our country. But then it was
an ethno-cultural policy. With Islam the same system is
applied, but the method becomes religious. Muslims (Persians,
Arabs, Turks, Africans ...) are (or should be) all the
same, with the same rights, the non-Muslim believers (Jews
and Christians) can live with Islam, but under certain
conditions, non-believers (corresponding to the barbarians
of the Greek world), can not live with Muslims and should
be banned from the city or have to convert.
This system remained in place until the end of
1800's. It's true that the Ottoman Sultan Abdul-Medjid
inaugurated his reign with the famous paper, hatt-i
sciarif di Gulhane proclaiming on November 3, 1839 the
equality of all subjects of the empire, whatever their
religion. It was one of the reforms (Tanzimat) to
renew the empire. But the people did not accept it and it
was not applied. The concept of citizen (with equal rights
and duties) as it emerged in the West, has never been
accepted. Even today in the Islamic system that governs
everything is sharia which is applied to varying degrees.
2. The debate on secular society
In Egypt's Constitution of May 22, 1980, the
principle of sharia was introduced in the second article,
as the "main source" of legislation. This
introduces elements which do not grant full citizenship to
Christians.
What the Christians of the Middle East are asking
is not only to be treated well, but to be recognized as
citizens with equal rights, so that no religion has any
privileges.
This is our concept of secular society.
In this regard, during the synod, several
interventions criticized the expression "positive
secularism" twice mentioned in the Instrumentum
Laboris (IL), also referring to Benedict XVI. The
original text of the IL was in Italian and French. The
expression therefore indicates a corrective element to the
concept of European secularism, particularly its
neutrality without expressing hostility toward religion.
For Arabs, however, the word "secular"
is unknown. It was translated for the first time in the 1800's,
using the word 'almāniyyah, which derives from
the concept of "secularization." But for Muslims
this concept evokes a reality similar to atheism. So when
you use this translation of "secular", there are
misunderstandings. We must explain that we are talking
about a civil society that is neutral to, but not an enemy
of religion, one which recognizes all religions. And this
corresponds more to Eastern Christian and Muslim mentality:
we do not want the marginalization of religion, the total
separation between politics and religion, politics and
ethics. This is what Muslims and Eastern Christians
criticize of the West. As such the Synod Fathers, then,
ask for a society of believers, but one where all faiths
are equally recognized.
3. Religious freedom for all
Thus, during the first week of the synod, the
principle of religious freedom was developed. The desire
to ask the States of the Middle East to acknowledge the
principle of total religious freedom. This includes: the
right to renounce a religion to adhere to a religion or to
change religion; the right to be atheist and the equal
treatment of religions in accordance with the UN Human
Rights Charter.
This does not mean the cancellation of religion,
but giving it greater space so the religion does not come
into conflict with other laws of the State. For example,
if sharia goes against some state law, state law takes
precedence. In the name of Sharia for example,you can not
force anyone to fast during Ramadan, as is the case today
in all countries of the Arabian peninsula (Saudi, Arabia,
Yemen, Gulf countries) and also in Algeria, Morocco, etc..
4. The right to proclaim one’s faith
Another very important point in this debate is
right practice and proclaim one’s faith. The
proclamation of the gospel is an obligation for Christians
as it is for Muslims to proclaim Islam, but it is almost
forbidden to Christians everywhere, even in countries that
call themselves "secular," such as Turkey and
Tunisia, where the state provides every means to spread
Islam and to carry out Da'wah, ie Islamic propaganda. If
you convert to Christianity in secret, they let it lie,
but if one proclaims his new faith in public, they risk
being expelled or killed. Beyond Lebanon - the only
exception - in other Arab countries, those who convert
will never find peace.
In Tunisia, an Egyptian priest was expelled for
holding a cultural encounter with young people and was
accused of proselytizing; preachers in Turkey were killed
and the killers were half-heartedly pursued by police, and
they are two "secular and moderate” countries. None
of these governments order the killings, but they turn a
blind eye to them. Sometimes, it is the very parents or
relatives of the converts who carry out the murders.
Another new factor in the Synod is the
realization that the Eastern Churches immersed in a
stalled evangelization for centuries - have lost tehir
sense of mission. Several synod fathers have said: "We
must recapture the sense of mission."
The fact that Christians are emigrating because
of Islamic pressure, has led the synod fathers to two
conclusions: first, that Islam is intolerant in itself,
that it carries the seeds of closure, and they have cited
the appropriate Koranic verses to qualify this. But this
line is supported by a small group. The majority of
interventions however, pointed out that in Islam there is
also a tolerant tendency. Many Muslims want to live in
peace with Christians and therefore the problem of
intolerance is common to Christians and Muslims. Extremism
is fomented for reasons that are not religious, even if it
manifests itself with religious aspects.
There are fanatics who strive for the emigration
of Christians, condemning them as "Kafir" (infidel),
but also condemning Muslims who do not follow the strict
orthodoxy advocated by them.
The fathers stressed that Christians and Muslims
must fight extremism that is based on religion. Muslims
repeat that Islam is the religion of the right medium (din
al-Wasat). Christians must work together with the
Muslims to elevate the level of society, making it more
human.
The task of Christians is to raise the level of
awareness in society, a human, cultural but also religious
commitment that emphasizes forgiveness, peace, etc..
searching the Koran and the Bible for everything which
affirms this affinity of consciousness. Moreover, the
principle of forgiveness is even in the Koran (albeit
milder than in the Gospel).
5. The intervention by Muhammad al-Sammak
This commitment to raise the values in Arab
societies was also the subject of an intervention by
Lebanese Sunni Muslim, Muhammd al-Sammak. He said that
thanks to Christians, Muslim society has increased its
cultural level to make positive progress. In his speech (delivered
in Arabic), he said:
"Two negative points demonstrate the
problem faced by Eastern Christians: The first point
concerns the lack of respect for the rights of fully equal
citizenship when faced with the law in certain countries.
The second concerns the misunderstanding of the spirit of
the Islamic teachings, especially the part relative with
Christians... "For this, we are called upon, as
Christians and Muslims, to work together to transform
these two negative elements into positive elements: in the
first place, through the respect for the bases and rules
of citizenship which accomplishes equality first in rights
and then in duties. In second place, in denouncing the
culture of exaggeration and extremism in its refusal of
others and in its wish to have the exclusive monopoly on
an ultimate truth, and in working towards the promotion
and spreading a culture of moderation, of charity and of
forgiveness as the respect of the differences of religion
and beliefs, of language, of culture, of color and of
race, and as we are taught by the Holy Koran, we put
ourselves at the judgment of God about our differences.
Yes, the Christians in the Middle East are being tested,
but they are not the only ones ".
He then points out that Christians and Muslims
are in the same predicament regarding extremism. He adds:
"The Eastern Christian presence, which
works and acts with Muslims, is a Christian as well as an
Islamic need. This is a need not only for the East, but
also for the entire world. The danger represented by the
erosion of this presence on the qualitative and
quantitative levels is a Christian as well as an Islamic
concern, not only for Eastern Muslims, but for all Muslims
all over the world”.
6. Conclusion
Muhammad al-Sammak highlights a number of times
that without the presence of Christians in the Middle East
(and world) society regresses.
I think this way of thinking is a strong stand by
the synod fathers: to propose, not so much a fight against
Islam, but a collaboration between Christians and Muslims
against Islamic extremism. This positive position is not
merely a new way of "doing good", the fathers
recognize that there is also an intolerant tendency in
Islam, but they understand that in the Muslim world there
is hope of development and change, though not as obvious
and clear as in the Christian world.
What appears to be strong and clear is that
the majority of the Synod Fathers are convinced that the
only way forward is to constructively address the
weaknesses of our society which finds itself in deep
crisis, together, Muslims and Christians.
Muslim
scholars say Mideast needs Christians

By Cindy Wooden Catholic News Service
Two Muslim scholars, a Sunni and a Shiite,
told the Synod of Bishops for the Middle East that Islam
promotes respect for Christians and Jews and that the
entire Middle East will suffer if Christians vanish from
the region.
Pope Benedict XVI invited two Muslim religious scholars
to address the synod Oct. 14: the Sunni, Muhammad
al-Sammak, adviser to the chief mufti of Lebanon and
secretary general of Lebanon's Christian-Muslim Committee
for Dialogue; and the Shiite, Ayatollah Seyed Mostafa
Mohaghegh Damad Ahmadabadi, a professor at Shahid Beheshti
University in Tehran.
Al-Sammak told the synod that Christians are not the
only people suffering in the Middle East and they are not
the only segment of the population tempted to emigrate.
"We share our sufferings. We live them in our
social and political delays, in our economic and
developmental regression, in our religious and
confessional tension," he said.
At the same time, the Lebanese told the synod, the
"new and accidental phenomenon" of Christians
being targeted because of their faith is dangerous, and
not just for Christians.By attacking Christians, he said,
misguided, fundamentalist, politically manipulated Muslims
are tearing apart the fabric of Middle Eastern societies
where Jews, Christians and Muslims lived side by side for
centuries.
They also are showing "Islam in a different light
than the one it truly reflects" and working against
one of the fundamental teachings of Islam: the teaching
that differences among people are the result of God's
design and part of God's will for humanity, al-Sammak said.The
emigration of Christians makes it difficult for the rest
of the region's Arabs to live their identity fully, he
said.
"They (Christians) are an integral part of the
cultural, literary and scientific formation of Islamic
civilization. They are also the pioneers of modern Arabic
renaissance and have safeguarded its language, the
language of the holy Quran," he added.
Al-Sammak told the bishops he hoped the synod would be
"something more than the cry of Christian suffering
which echoes in this valley of pain," which is the
Middle East.
He said he hoped the synod would mark the beginning of
"Islamic-Christian cooperation that can protect
Christians and watch over Islamic-Christian relations, so
that the East -- the place of divine revelation -- remains
worthy of raising the banner of faith, charity and peace
for itself and for the entire world."Ayatollah
Mohaghegh Damad told the synod that the Quran's view of
Christian-Muslim relations is one of "friendship,
respect and mutual understanding," even though there
have been "dark moments" in the relationship
over the past 1,400 years.
However, he said, the "illegitimate acts of
certain individuals and groups" should not be
attributed to the religion to which they belong, whether
it's blaming Christianity for the action of Christians or
blaming Islam for the actions of Muslims.
In Iran and most other Muslim countries, he said,
"Christians live side by side and in peace with their
Muslim brothers. They enjoy all the legal rights like
other citizens and perform their religious practices
freely."He told the synod that leaders of all
religions must recognize that their people no longer live
cut off from believers of other faiths, and religious
leaders have an obligation to help their faithful
understand the respect that is due the other.
The ideal, he said, "would be the state where
believers of any faith freely and without any apprehension,
fear and obligation could live according to the basic
principles and modes of their own customs and traditions.
This right, which is universally recognized, should in
fact be practiced by states and communities."Meeting
reporters before speaking at the synod, the two Muslim
scholars responded to several questions regarding freedom
of worship and conscience in Muslim-majority countries.
Al-Sammak said the ancient Muslim practice of
inflicting harsh punishment on Muslims who converted is a
legacy from a time "when changing religions meant
joining the enemy; it was punished as an act of treason."
While some Muslims today think converts should be
punished, al-Sammak said the "golden rule" of
Islam is that "there is no compulsion in religion,
that's what the Quran says."The ayatollah said,
"You are free to choose any religion in your heart,
because religion is a very, very private matter for
everybody, but conversion means something else."When
journalists tried to push him to clarify, he said publicly
announcing that you are no longer a member of your
original faith group is an act of unacceptable
"propaganda."
Al-Sammak also told reporters that the emigration of
Christians from the Middle East is an expression of a
"lack of democracy, a lack of freedom" in the
region and not the result of religiously motivated
pressure from Muslims.
As for the dire situation of Christians in Iraq,
al-Sammak said they unwittingly were caught in the middle
of a struggle for power that has pitted Sunni Muslims
against Shiite Muslims.
"Christians of Iraq are not -- and I underline not
-- part of that conflict," he said, but "they
are caught in the middle of the conflict and they are
paying the price for it."In addition, he said, while
"Christians of Iraq had nothing to do with the
invasion, they didn't call for the Americans to come to
Iraq, they didn't ask for American protection, and yet
they are sometimes treated as if they are part of the
American invasion of Iraq."
S.(Vatican City (AsiaNews)
ملک
جہاں
پاکستانی
نہ ہونے کے
برابر؟
دنیا
میں ایسا
بھی کوئی
ملک ہے
جہاں
پاکستانی
نہ ہونے کے
برابر
ہوں؟
ہارون
رشید
ویسے تو
قطب شمال و
جنوب
غالبا
ایسے
علاقے ہیں
جہاں
بھوری
رنگت والے
نہ ہوں
لیکن اس کے
علاوہ
دنیا کا
ایسا کوئی
خطہ نہیں
جہاں
پاکستانی
نہ پائے
جاتے ہوں۔
میرے جیسے
پاکستانی
کے لیے
ایسے کسی
علاقے کا
سوچنا
مشکل
دکھائی
دیتا ہے۔
چاہے
برطانیہ
ہو یا
امریکہ،
سپین ہو یا
اردن کسی
نہ کسی
پاکستانی
سے کسی نہ
کسی جگہ
راستے
ٹکرا
جائیں گے۔
لیکن
مرکزی
یورپ کے
ایک اہم
ملک
پولینڈ
میں ایک
ہفتے کے
قیام کے
دوران
پاکستانی
سفارت
خانے کے
اہلکاروں
کے علاوہ
کوئی
پاکستانی
نہیں مل
پایا۔ اس
پر کافی
تجسس بھی
ہوا اور
تشویش
بھی۔
کیسے یہاں
کی منافع
بخش منڈی
پاکستانیوں
سے بچ پائی
ہے، کیسے
یہاں
غیرقانونی
تارکین
وطن بڑی
تعداد میں
نہیں،
کیسے
لاہوری
تکہ ہاوس
یہاں نہیں
بن پایا؟
پولینڈ
میں
تعینات
پاکستانی
سفیر مراد
علی کی
جانب سے جب
ہمیں
وارسا میں
قیام کے
آخری دن
دوپہر کے
کھانے پر
مدعو کیا
گیا تو
خوشی نہ
صرف کسی
پاکستانی
سے ملنے کی
تھی بلکہ
لالچ کسی
حلال
خوراک کی
بھی تھی۔
جیسی یک
نسل
پولینڈ کی
آبادی ہے
ویسی ہی
یہاں کی
محدود
کھانے کی
ورائٹی
بھی ہے۔
افغانی
منتو کی
طرز کی
پیروگی یا
مچھلی ہی
قدرے
محفوظ
خوراک ہے
جو کھائی
جاسکتی
ہے۔ لیکن
اگر سو
فیصد
مذہبی
احتیاط
کرنی ہے تو
واحد
محفوظ
خوراک
تازہ سلاد
ہے۔ ہمارے
گائیڈ
میرے دو
پختون
صحافی
ساتھیوں
کے ساتھ
مذاق میں
چھیڑتے
رہتے کہ
کہیں آپ
لوگ گھاس
کھا کھا کر
اونٹ ہی نہ
بن جائیں۔
پاکستانی
سفیر مراد
علی نے جو
خود بھی
جنوبی
کوریا سے
ڈیڑھ ماہ
قبل ہی
تبدیل
ہوکر یہاں
آئے ہیں
بتایا کہ
پولینڈ
میں
قانونی
طور پر آئے
ہوئے
پاکستانیوں
کی تعداد
چند سو ہے
لیکن
غیرقانونی
شاید چند
ہزار ہوں۔
ان کا کہنا
تھا کہ
پاکستانیوں
کے یہاں
آنے میں
بڑی رکاوٹ
براہ راست
پاکستان
اور
پولینڈ
میں فضائی
یا دیگر
رابطوں کی
کمی ہے۔
میرے خیال
میں
ٹیکسٹائل،
چاول،
کھیلوں کا
سامان
ایسے
چیزیں ہیں
جہاں مزید
تجارت کی
گنجائش
موجود ہے۔
لیکن ساتھ
ہی پولینڈ
کی یورپ
میں مرکزی
پوزیشن
ہونے کی
وجہ سے
پاکستانی
تاجر یہاں
ایک مرکز
بنا کر
یہاں سے
دیگر
یورپی
ممالک تک
رسائی
حاصل
کرسکتے
ہیں
مراد علی
پاکستانی
سفیر مراد
علی نے
بتایا کہ
گزشتہ چند
برسوں میں
دونوں
ممالک کے
درمیان
تجارت میں
کئی گنا
اضافہ ہو
کر یہ ایک
سو ستر
ملین ڈالر
تک پہنچ
گئی ہے
لیکن ان کا
خیال ہے کہ
اس میں
مزید
اضافہ
کرکے اسے
باآسانی
پانچ سو
ملین تک
لایا
جاسکتا
ہے۔
میرے خیال
میں
ٹیکسٹائل،
چاول،
کھیلوں کا
سامان
ایسے
چیزیں ہیں
جہاں مزید
تجارت کی
گنجائش
موجود ہے۔
لیکن ساتھ
ہی پولینڈ
کی یورپ
میں مرکزی
پوزیشن
ہونے کی
وجہ سے
پاکستانی
تاجر یہاں
ایک مرکز
بنا کر
یہاں سے
دیگر
یورپی
ممالک تک
رسائی
حاصل
کرسکتے
ہیں۔
رابطے
وہیں بنتے
ہیں جہاں
خواہش ہو۔
پولینڈ کی
وزارت
خارجہ کے
ایک سینئر
اہلکار
کرزیسٹاف
دوبرولسکی
کا کہنا
تھا کہ
سردمہری
دونوں
جانب سے
تھی۔ اگر
پولینڈ کی
پاکستان
میں
دلچسپی
نہیں تھی
تو
پاکستان
کا بھی یہی
حال تھا۔
اب وقت کے
ساتھ ساتھ
صورتحال
تبدیل ہو
رہی ہے۔
پولینڈ کا
نومولود
پاکستان
کی فضائیہ
کے قیام
میں کردار
کافی
پرانا ہے۔
پولش
پائلٹوں
اور
انجنیئروں
نے قیام
پاکستان
کے فوراً
بعد اس کی
فضائیہ کے
قیام میں
اہم کردار
تھا۔ ان
پائلٹوں
میں سے چند
نے آج تک
پاکستان
کو اپنا
مستقل گھر
بنایا ہوا
ہے۔
البتہ
حالیہ
دنوں میں
دونوں
ممالک کی
جانب سے
تعلقات
میں
گرمجوشی
پیدا کرنے
کی کوشش کی
جا رہی ہے۔
صدر مشرف
نے سال دو
ہزار سات
میں وارسا
کا دورہ
کیا تو
گزشتہ
دنوں
موجودہ
وزیر
خارجہ شاہ
محمود
قریشی بھی
یہاں کا
چکر لگا کر
لوٹے ہیں۔
دوسری
جانب
پولینڈ کے
حکام کے
پاکستانی
دوروں میں
بھی اضافہ
ہوا ہے۔
سب سے
زیادہ
حوصلہ
افزا بات
وارسا
یونورسٹی
کے
ڈیپارٹمنٹ
آف
اوریئنٹل
سٹڈیز میں
اردو کے
معلم کی
تقرری ہے
جو جلد
متوقع ہے۔
اس کے
علاوہ
کریکو شہر
میں واقع
وسطی یورپ
کی دوسری
قدیم ترین
یونیورسٹی
میں
پاکستان
سے متعلق
شعبے کا
جلد قیام
بھی ہے۔ اس
کے لیے
پشاور میں
اسلامیہ
کالج
یونیورسٹی
میں سوشل
سڈیز کے
ایک سینئر
پروفیسر
ڈاکٹر
نوشاد کی
تقرری بھی
ہے۔ اس کے
علاوہ
دونوں
ممالک کے
تاجروں کے
وفود کے
دورے بھی
متوقع
ہیں۔
پولینڈ
بھی یورپی
اتحاد کا
حصہ بننے
کے بعد اب
عالمی سطح
پر ایک
متحرک
کردار ادا
کرنے پر
چاہتے یا
نہ چاہتے
ہوئے
مجبور ہے۔
یہی
مجبوری
اسے
افغانستان
میں بھی
لائی ہے
اور اسی
وجہ سے اس
کے لیے اب
نہ صرف یہ
جنگ زدہ
ملک بلکہ
اس کا
ہمسایہ
پاکستان
بھی اہم
ہے۔
پولینڈ کا
قدرتی گیس
کے لیے روس
پر بھاری
انحصار
ہے۔ اسے کم
کرنے کے
لیے وہ
دنیا بھر
میں گیس کی
تلاش کے
منصوبوں
میں حصہ لے
رہا ہے۔
اسی وجہ سے
وہ
پاکستان
میں بھی
ہے۔
گیس کی
تلاش میں
مصروف ایک
پولش
انجینیئر
کے طالبان
کے ہاتھوں
اِغوا اور
قتل انہیں
کوششوں کے
دوران پیش
آنے والا
ایک حادثہ
تھا۔ پولش
حکومت کم
از کم اس
واقعے کو
اب تک نہیں
بھولی ہے۔
وزیر
خارجہ شاہ
محمود
قریشی کے
گزشتہ
دنوں دورے
میں پولش
حکام نے یہ
مسئلہ ایک
مرتبہ پھر
اٹھایا
تھا۔
پولینڈ کی
وزارت
خارجہ میں
ایشیا کے
شعبے کے
ڈپٹی
ڈائریکٹر
کرزیسٹاف
دوبرولسکی
نے بتایا
کہ
مذاکرات
کے ایجنڈے
پر یہ
مسئلہ ایک
اہم موضوع
تھا۔ ہم
چاہتے ہیں
کہ اس قتل
میں ملوث
افراد کو
سزا ہو۔
حکومت
پاکستان
دو ملزمان
کا عدالتی
مقدمہ چلا
رہی ہے۔
ہمیں امید
ہے کہ اس
مقدمے کا
فیصلہ جلد
ہوگا۔
لیکن ہم اس
عدالتی
کارروائی
کی وجہ سے
زیادہ
دباؤ نہیں
ڈال سکتے
ہیں۔
دوسری
جانب
پولینڈ
شاید
پاکستان
کاروباری
طبقے کے
لیے ایک ان
ایکسپلورڈ
ملک ہے۔
سیالکوٹ
سے تعلق
رکھنے
والے
پاکستانی
سفیر مراد
علی نے
بتایا کہ
دونوں
ممالک کے
درمیان اس
وقت ڈیڑھ
سو ملین
ڈالر کی
مشترکہ
تجارت کا
حجم ہے
جوکہ
باآسانی
پانچ سو
ملین تک
پہنچائی
جاسکتی
ہے۔
اس لیے
امید کی
جاسکتی ہے
کہ ہمارے
اگلے دورے
تک (اگر
ممکن
ہوسکا) تو
اگر دونوں
ممالک کے
درمیان
براہ راست
پروازیں
نہ سہی کم
از کم
وارسا میں
ایک
پاکستانی
حلال
خوراک کا
ریسٹورانٹ
ضرور کھل
جائے گا
تاکہ آنے
والوں کا
کھانے
پینے کا
مسئلہ تو
حل ہو۔
Profiling
Pakistan Jehadis :
Ali
Chisti
What kind of people are rushing to join jihadi
organisations? Where are they coming from? What is their
family and educational background? And most importantly,
what motivates them to put their lives on the line for
missions that really have nothing material to do with them?
What really prompts a Punjabi,Sindhi, Baloch or Pashtun to become a member of a suicide
squad? Or, for that matter, what makes these people
participate in far off conflicts that have no bearing on
their lives, except maybe emotional attachment? What is
behind their fanaticism and their commitment? How are they
recruited?
 
All such profiling conducted by various think-tanks gives
us a small hint of the demonic mindset that we are dealing
with in the fight against radical Islamic terror groups.
Another frightening reality that emerges from a close
study of jihadis is that they do not come from any one
particular education stream, family background, region or
even economic background. The spirit of jihad transcends
these boundaries and stereotypes. In other words, jihadis
are now coming from every social, economic and cultural
strata of Pakistani society. This means that our country
itself has become one big Jihad Inc. The role of mullahs
in motivating and recruiting young men for jihad clearly
comes out when profiling jihadis but equally important is
the fact that economic factors and a breakdown in
traditional social structures too are motivating many
people to take to jihad.
Jihad in this part of the world is seen as lending a sense
of purpose to the lives of many people who otherwise would
be pushovers in society. One major draw for jihadis in
Pakistan is the clout a religious militant enjoys with the
law enforcement agencies. A black tinted four-by-four and
a suspicious number plate with occupants sporting
militia-style clothing, long hair and beards is bound to
arouse suspicion and get the vehicle pulled over at any
check post. If you are a religious militant, however, you
are simply waved through with a level of ‘respect’
unthinkable for most Pakistanis. Obviously, being above
the law holds great appeal for the jobless. The militant
organisation gives otherwise powerless men a strong sense
of identity in an increasingly fragmented social structure.

Only recently a research paper published on the very
subject reveals that a vast number of recruits come from
formal schools and lack any real religious knowledge or
motivation. The primary cause behind militancy, it is
argued, is unemployment and poverty. There are the middle
class jihadis like Shehzad Tanvir or Sheikh Omar, who has
been convicted of murdering Daniel Pearl. There is a
popular misconception that young Pakistani men who
volunteer for jihad invariably do so out of a lack of
viable economic options. This is particularly untrue in
Karachi where most budding jihadis hail from middle, upper
middle or even upper class families. A similar trend
prevails in other large cities that, in turn, explodes
another myth that Pakistan’s ‘non-state actors’ are
largely confined to the country’s tribal and northern
areas.
“I am proud of my son although the only regret I have is
that I do not have another son to send for this noble
cause,” says a middle-aged man whose only son is
believed dead somewhere in Afghanistan. Another jihadi now
turned tableeghi, Mehmood, who in his late 20s managed to
come back to Karachi in one piece, maintains that
misconceptions abound concerning the current reality in
Afghanistan. He says, “Some people accuse the Taliban of
retreating without informing the Pakistani and Arab
mujaheedin, a move that allegedly resulted in their
slaughter by the Northern Alliance. That is totally
incorrect.” While pulling back, the Taliban asked all
their foreign allies to withdraw with them. The Pakistani
and Arab mujahideen, however, decided to keep on fighting
even though they knew that they would get killed. Most of
them preferred to die as they had already burnt their
bridges.
 
One would imagine that most of those planning to take part
in the holy war would be from the militant cadres of
jihadi organisations. However, it has become patently
obvious that this modern version of the David and Goliath
fable has an emotive appeal across the spectrum of
Pakistani society too. Many, even those who do not agree
with the Taliban’s obscurantist version of Islam, have
found inspiration in the obdurate refusal of one of the
world’s poorest Muslim countries to give in to the
demands of the only global superpower.
Finally, there is the myth and misconception that jihadis
are only Pashtuns and Punjabis. The records provided by
different jihadi organisations and research material
available show that the number of martyrs from Sindh has
already touched 500 in the FATA region alone. In the early
2000s, when our proxies were primarily targeted towards
the east, 85 of the Jaish-e-Mohammad, 175 of Hizbul
Mujahideen and 51 of Lashkar-e-Islam were Sindhi-speaking
jihadis. In the case of Balochistan, the list of
casualties published by various jihadi organisations shows
that from 1999 to March 2002, there were 112 so-called
martyrs from Balochistan, most of whom died in
Afghanistan, indicating that the jihad phenomenon in
Pakistan has gone viral in almost every segment of our
society.
“Ethical
Codes for Media: Yes or No?”

A
free, independent and responsible media is a direct
reflection of societal traits and thus can act not only as
a reality check but as a mentor and redeemer. With
its initiative to move towards a Free,
Independent and Responsible Media (FIRM),Individualland-Pakistan
(IL-Pakistan) with the support of theFriedrich-Naumann-Stifting
fur die Freiheit (FNF) held a Focus
Group Discussion on the topic, “Ethical
Code for Media: Yes or No?”at a local
hotel today.
The
moderator Mr. Shaukat Ali Ashraf from IL-Pakistan started
the discussion with the thought that every profession must
have a set of rules to follow to ensure the safety of
themselves and others and so that one might not hurt other
person unwillingly. These “code of ethics” are also to
ensure that no one takes advantage of his/her position or
profession in bad and unethical way
The participants while discussing presented the view point
that there is no single, ruling definition of media ethics.
Instead, the concept of media ethics exists in many forms
acting as a blueprint from which media personnel can base
their practices and their decisions. Ethics are not
absolute rules. They are constantly evolving values. But,
a media worker may be held professionally responsible for
their actions if they are in conflict with their
professions code of ethics. So although there is a need to
develop a code of ethics for media but the code must keep
the vibrant, hostile and politically stigmatized nature of
a journalists work.
Participants further highlighted that reporters and media
are expected to provide accurate and correct news and
content through reliable sources. Incorrect content can
create problems and misunderstandings. The participants
lightly shared that today’s journalism can be related to
the following saying “When a dog bites a man it is no
news, but when a man bites a dog, it is news.”
Nowadays we frequently encounter media campaigns against
civilian elected government on TV channels. There are so
many pieces of [dis]information which are carefully
designed to mould attitudes and public opinion against
democracy. Media has become a very effective and
powerful weapon through which undemocratic forces
manipulate social attitude and behavior.
The media not to glorify banned militant organizations
and should evolve consensus on war on tarror and try to
support political process . It is also a fact that media
is bent on promoting sensationalism, so it should create
tolerance and avoid sensationalism. Breaking news can
not be produced every hour. Also, the media channels
must not make people fight with each other in their talk
shows.
A
free media greatly help in strengthening democracy and
democratic system by promoting participation of citizens
in planning and decision making process of state,
defending rule of law and encouraging human development
and security. It is fact that there is lack of proper
rules and regulations in the Pakistani media, so there
fore we are witnessed personal biases and
falsities in reportage of different incidents- this
vacuum could be filled by a consensus new code of
conduct[ethical codes], formed by all stakeholders.
Participants agreed that a media without a “code of
ethics” will harm people, make media lose its
credibility gradually and the role of watch-god will get
weakened eventually. They stressed the needs for media to
minimize harm at all levels to society, be accountable to
public and a monitoring authority actively watches over
the rights of media personal also.
A
friend in need is a friend indeed
by
Junaid Qaiser

Congratulating people of Pakistan on the occasion of its
63rd independence day, US President Barack Obama has
expressed his country’s long term commitment in
strengthening ties with the country.
President Barack Obama has pledged sustained U.S. support
for Pakistan’s recovery from raging floods “in line with
deepening partnership between the two nations” as he
greeted the South Asian country on its Independence Day that
has come at a time of unprecedented natural disaster.
“This Independence Day anniversary also comes at a
time of great challenge for the people of Pakistan as they
bravely respond to widespread and unprecedented flooding,”
he noted in a White House statement.

“In line with the deepening partnership between our two
nations, I have directed my administration to continue to
work closely with the Government of Pakistan and provide
assistance in their response to this crisis,” the U.S.
president added as Pakistan and its international partners
stepped up a gigantic rescue and relief operation over
150,000 sq km of land.
The monsoon flooding has already claimed around 1600 lives
and affected more than 14 million people across the country
and destroyed houses, livestock and infrastructure at
several places.
Obama said his administration has rushed financial
assistance, life saving and life sustaining relief
supplies, helicopters, rescue boats, and disaster
management experts to assist the Pakistani authorities.
“The people of America stand with the people of Pakistan
through this difficult time and will continue to urge the
international community to increase their support and
assistance. We will remain committed to helping Pakistan
and will work side by side with you and the international
community toward a recovery that brings back the dynamic
vitality of your nation,” he vowed.
Following is the text of the White House statement:
“On behalf of the people of the United States of America,
I send my congratulations and sincere best wishes to all who
will celebrate the 63rd anniversary of Pakistan’s
independence.
Here at home, I am proud of the many contributions
Pakistani Americans have made to our nation and
will continue to make in the years to come. Pakistan’s
Independence Day is a useful time to reflect on the
friendships Pakistan has in the world and the expressions of
true friendship that come in a time of need.
“This Independence Day anniversary also comes at a time
of great challenge for the people of Pakistan as they
bravely respond to widespread and unprecedented flooding.
In line with the deepening partnership between our two
nations, I have directed my administration to continue to
work closely with the Government of Pakistan and provide
assistance in their response to this crisis. We have
rushed financial assistance, life saving and life
sustaining relief supplies, helicopters, rescue boats, and
disaster management experts to assist the Pakistani
authorities.”
The people of America stand with the people of
Pakistan We will remain committed to helping
Pakistan and will work side by side with you and the
international community toward a recovery that brings back
the dynamic vitality of your nation.”
'The people of America stand
with the people of Pakistan through this difficult time.'
through this difficult time and will continue to urge the
international community to increase their support and
assistance.
The United States has donated the most to the
relief effort, at least $70 million, and has sent military
helicopters to rescue stranded people and drop off food
and water. “So far, if anyone has practically given us
maximum help, it is America,” Gilani said Saturday when
a Pakistani reporter suggested the U.S. has done little
since the crisis started.
The Pentagon said Friday that ships
carrying more relief supplies and helicopters had left the
East Coast and would arrive off Pakistan in late September.
Two additional U.S. Navy MH-53E Sea Dragon helicopters
arrived in Pakistan on Saturday to support flood relief
efforts, the U.S. State Department said. That brings to
seven the total number of aircraft in Pakistan from the
USS Peleliu, which is positioned in international waters
in the Arabian Sea. Operating in partnership with the
Pakistan military, the U.S. aircraft have since Aug. 5
rescued more than 3,500 people and transported more than
412,000 pounds (186,000 kilograms) of emergency supplies,
the State Department said American officials say they are
trying to rekindle the same goodwill generated five years
ago when the U.S. military played a major role in
responding to an earthquake in Kashmir in 2005 that killed
75,000 people.
According to AFP, the United States has upped its
aid to flood-ravaged Pakistan and announced a visit by a
political heavyweight to show its commitment to a
fractious ally where anti-US feeling runs high. US Senator
John Kerry will visit Pakistan next week to raise public
awareness and drum up donations
“This will be a critical visit to help raise the profile
among publics both in the US and internationally,” said
Dan Feldman, the US deputy special envoy for Afghanistan
and Pakistan.
Kerry, a former presidential candidate who chairs the
Senate’s Foreign Relations Committee, will be the first
senior US policymaker to visit since the disaster, which
has affected up to 20 million people. The United States,
which has put Pakistan on the front line of its war on
Al-Qaeda, has begun dispatching Marine helicopters from an
amphibious assault ship to help in the aid operation. With
its latest aid pledge, the total US financial contribution
to the flood relief effort comes to 76 million dollars.
Obama administration not only vows
sustained US support for Pakistan flood recovery but it will
also to lobby for aid.
Official says
15-20 million people face direct or indirect harm from the
floods. The United Nations believes 1,600 people have died,
while Islamabad has confirmed 1,343 deaths. The UN has
appealed for 460 million dollars in foreign aid and says
billions will be needed in the long term, with survivors
facing grim conditions in makeshift tent cities and
diseases rife in the unbearable heat. The UN humanitarian
coordinator in Pakistan, Martin Mogwanja, said pledges of
195 million dollars had already been made.**********
Sharab,
Shabab And Shayari –
The Chronic Misinterpretation Of Urdu Poetry
By
Gagan Rism
 
As
I was told later, in my Urdu class, one of the student on
the very first day shot a question to Hrikrishan Lall, our
teacher, that there is nothing in Urdu shayari except sharab
and shabab, is there any? Lall Sir, who used to teach in
that Punjab state sponsored Diploma in Urdu, smiled, and
replied in this verse –
uske
paimane mein kuchh aur, mere paimane mein kuch aur
dekhna saki ho na jaye, tere maikhane mein kuchh aur
The
student was promptly up again in see-i-told-you-so fashion.
What Lall Sir said next can be taken as an axiomatic reply
to any such questions shot by any lay reader regarding Urdu
shayari. He replied, “Never take Urdu shayari literally
– it is more behind the words than on their face. The
paimanas are not goblets here, but Destiny; maikhana is not
tavern, but the world; saki is not wine-bearer, but god
himself. And the shayar (poet) is flinging an age old query
to the god as to why my destiny is so poor as compared to
the other man. Shayar, in fact, is warning god to be just
and behave rightly; otherwise he might be forced to wreak
havoc in his unjust world.” The student turned speechless
at this sudden revelation.
General
readership is not an exception to misconceptions like this.
Not many people have eyes keen enough to delve deeper behind
the veil of words. Not only the laymen, but so called good
readers also succumb to this boorishness while talking about
Urdu poetry. The fact that Urdu poetry heavily uses the
symbols of saki-o-maikhana (wine-bearer and tavern) does not
make it an out and out a tribute to alcoholism. It does not
endorse liquor mania when it speaks in these terms. Neither
shayars are the brand ambassadors of liquors or taverns.
Like
any poetry, Urdu shayari is no exception to the general rule
that the words are mostly used metaphorically in it.
Depending upon the context, words demand a symbolic rather
than literal interpretation. Like any poetry, therefore,
Urdu shayari too deserves a rational and non-prejudicial
understanding of the same. Since, the critic often argues
that, it does not use words-as-symbols in that accepted
sense in which poetry of other languages does, such an
interpretation may not always be warranted. For example, why
only a select few symbols like goblet, tavern, woman, etc
over and over again, rather than a whole corpus of others?
There can be no straightforward reply to this as the choice
of symbols is more culture-dependent, than a matter of
personal concern. It would be more appropriate to question
rather what that accepted sense is and from which authority
it derives such an acceptance. Whereas for the lay, it may
derive that from their general attitude towards Urdu
language as such, for the so called good readership, it
derives largely from their experience in other languages.
Most of the languages use common-place terms as symbols to
express the hidden. So, whereas Hindi may use dharamshala (rest-house)
to symbolize world, Urdu uses maikhana (tavern) for the same.
Symbol selection is more sensual than commonplace in Urdu.
On account of different symbol selectivity, it has become a
fashion to scoff at the symbolic corpus of Urdu as morally
corrupt. By their biased code thus, the frequent occurring
of words like, saki-o-maikhana represent degradation in the
standards of the poetry and therefore, worthy of being
discredited. Can mere the difference in symbol selectivity
make Urdu a convenient scapegoat for people’s ignorance?
The difference between symbol-selection needs be understood
before any such (mis)adventure.
Unlike
other languages, Urdu poetry mostly uses materialistic and
erotic symbols to refer to things sometimes supra-rational,
super-natural, or even truths controversial or dogmatic.
Here, symbol and symbolized stands as if on the
diametrically opposite poles such that conceiving any
relation between the two is taken as sacrilege of the
symbolized itself. Among host of such symbols, sharab,
shabab and saki (wine, women and wine-bearer) are the most
common. Owing to their capacity of being used in endless
variety, these are used heavily by most of the poets. In
fact, very rare a poet would be found who had never used
these symbols in his poetry. Since the three are
misunderstood most of all but favorite with me,[1] I will
take these three in this write-up and try to dispel the
uneasiness about them. But, before that, it has to be
acknowledged first that these do occur as symbols. Not
always of course but many times.
Sharab
or Wine is the most mistreated of all these symbols. To
fully understand the import of this symbol, it is necessary
to know its relation with its allied symbols like paimana (goblet),
maikhana (tavern), saki (wine-bearer) and of course, zahid
(the teetotaler) and vaaiz (the orthodox maulvi) with whom
it is negatively correlated, to say. Together all of these
give the appearance of only wine being talked about, or
praised as if. Though, it may not be always the case. The
origination of these symbols in Urdu shayari is undated, but
earliest accounts of them come from the poetry of medieval
times, especially Mughal era. In Mughal era, Urdu shayari
got major boost in the form of royal patronages to the poets.
The patrons would often preside over the mushairas (poetry-recital)
amid freely flowing wine by beautiful damsels. Since,
mushairas were those days major source of entertainment and
patrons not less than god for the poor shayars; it is too
natural for the shayar to link the bounties of the patron to
his poor lot with freely flowing wine to the empty goblet.
Unconsciously thus, these words came to abound in the
ghazals of the contemporary poets and seeped to the later
gazal-goz (gazal writers) as legacy. The shayars darned them
in various garbs, and made them the symbols gradually. They
would often use them to say things scoffed at, forbidden, or
expose societal insularity, as in these ashaar (couplets)
vaaiz
na tum peeyo, na kisi ko pila sako
kya baat hai tumhari sharab-e-tahoor ki (ghalib)
zahid
sharab peene de masjid mein baith kar
ya woh jagah bata de jahan par khuda na ho (daag dehlvi)
ik
jagah baith kar pee lun mera dastoor nahi
meykada tang bana lun mujhe manzoor nahi (jigar muradabadi)
Tang-meykada
(small tavern) symbolizes more the confinement of thought,
than geographical measurements of a physical structure which
shayar emphatically wants to reject. His intention is more
of expanding into the world than remaining in the cloistered
seclusion of his own thought. Ghalib, going beyond the
societal taboos, wages a direct war on the religious dogmas
which consciously inculcate such a constraint in the
individual. Sharab-e-tahoor is the mythical river of wine
that flows in the heaven about which Ghalib is skeptical.
The religious dogma assures the hoors, paris (both as
fairies) and sharab-e-tahoor for the devotees who remain
loyal to the creed and hellish fires for the defectors.
Ameer Minai finds the effort of assuring post-mortem awards
to be worthless since in the end, the dreams of both the
devotee and drunkard are found to be identical. See, in this
sheir:
juda
hai dukhtar-e-raj ka naam har sohbat mein ae saki
pari hai meykashon mein, hoor hai parhezgaron mein (Ameer
Minai)
The
ultimate end of the devotee is then what? What for all this
worshipping or devotion is in the last? Nothing but a
pleasurable existence in the heaven, no? In the end, all the
religious creeds then do nothing but providing a means to
enjoy eternal pleasure without restrictions, without
reservations. Almost every religion of the world has the
concept of heaven as the ultimate reward of an
individual’s devotion in the world. The descriptions may
differ, but character-wise all heavens are places of
unbounded pleasure – mostly sensual. Does not the shier
then expose the shallowness of religions whereby loyalties
are sought after by ensuring premium gifts in the end like
marketing strategies of the corporates? But, what Minai
wishes to emphasize is more than that. He seems to equate
the goal of a drunkard with that of a parhezgaar or those
abstaining from indulgences. Only names are different, but
goals of two are essentially the same. What abstainer calls
a Hoor (elf), drunkard calls Pari (fairy). The shier is then
not just an effort of devising a controversial equation. It
has more psychological underpinnings to it. It equates the
effort and abstention of the two and enlightens the other
that what he seeks after death, the other one get right here
in the world itself – if pleasure is the goal entirely.
Vaaiz
is another celebrated symbol of Urdu Shayari standing for
religious taboos related to wine-drinking. He represents the
orthodoxy of the religious creeds which deny minimalist of
freedom to the individual. He is a conservative maulvi who
going by the religious sanctions is always at the
loggerheads with drunken-shayar. Not a single ghazal have I
come across so far in which shayar is at peace with Vaaiz.
It is, thus, not shayar-vs-vaaiz in the end, but
religion-vs-individual - individual who is frustrated by
always going by the dictates of religion, who asks for the
freedom to bear his grief in his own way rather than
prescribed by religion. Vaaiz is the domineering authority
who imposes the prescriptions rather forcefully with
implicit caveat of excommunication. For such Vaaizes, Zauk
has one beautiful suggestion
Zauk
jo madrason ke bigre hue hain mulla
unhein maikhane le aao, sanvar jayeinge
Against
the decrees of Vaaiz is Saki – the wine-bearer, another
misunderstood symbol in Urdu poetry. Of course it is used
literally as well, but mostly it is used to refer to
something other than a mere wine-server. Before and during
mughal era, Sakis were usually the young ladies who used to
serve wine from their long-neck surahis to the drinkers.
Rather than a wine-server, Saki stands for one whose kind
attention is sought after constantly – like a devotee
seeks the attention of his lord. Drunkard is at the mercy of
Saki in the tavern. By his silent devotion, he waits and
craves for her attention. Saki is the fountainhead of
bounties for the poor drunkard. The bounty of saki - the
flowing wine into the goblet – is the measure of attention
she gives to her devotees. She is seen in various garbs of a
beloved, charmer, master, administrator, lord of the tavern
– at times just, at times unjust. Usually, however, it is
the beautiful beloved that drunkard conceives Saki to be.
More than a beloved, however, Saki symbolizes the concept of
Love itself - Love that encompasses the virtues of care,
sympathy and solace.
Often,
it is through voice of the drunkard that Shayar speaks out
to the world. The protagonist in Urdu poetry is gloriously
portrayed as a poor drunkard. The poverty-stricken youth
weighed down the by hard ways of the world, mesmerized and
distressed equally at the indifference of the people,
choking taboos of the society, and the callous hostility of
the companions. This unsophisticated drunkard is at home in
not the civilized society, but uncivilized tavern! Ghalib,
Zauk, Meer, Sauda, Minai, Riyaz Khairabadi, Jigar Muradabadi
etc, pictured the protagonist of their couplets as a
penniless, wretched drunkard. As a symbol, this drunkard
portrays the individual who lives and dies impoverished,
victimized and misunderstood. It depicts the existential
reality of the individual in the society characterized by
sanctions, taboos, and social ostracism of various kinds on
acts as commonplace as drinking wine. Where the minimalist
freedom to the individual is denied, the most innocuous acts
of drinking wine become a gunaah or a sin, and courting
love, an act of butprasti or worshipping physical icons.
Variously called, Rind, Meykash, Meynosh, Badakash,
Badakhawar, or Meykhawar, this drunkard is a lonely figure,
love-sick, victim of the world’s fickleness and betrayal
especially of beloved and friends. He is averse to the
authority, be it social or divine. He sees society and god
in grey shades and feels being cheated by both of them alike.
He craves for a delicate sensitivity in the Faith, but finds
instead unquestionable allegiance. He longs for humanism in
societal codes, but finds rather the endless walls of
separation between men and men. Disillusioned thus, he finds
maikhana rather more egalitarian than the world. He is more
at home in tavern which does not ask either his creedal
fellowship, or unflinching adherence to its rituals. It is
the place of the realization of his personal freedom. He is
at once the member and master of his maikhana. He is
attached to every brick of this tavern like a moth is
attached to the flame so much so that he feels a mortal
threat by even the chance intrusion of outside forces. To
the apathetic society, the religion, the eternal law of the
universe, the drunkard has to say,
laazim
hai meykade ki shariyat ka ehtmaam,
e daur-e-rozgaar, jara larkhara ke chal
dair-o- haram nahi to kharabat hi sahi
e gardish-e-zamana, kahin to kayam kar (Abdul Hameed ‘Adam’)
nasha-e-ishq ka gar zarf dia tha mujhko
umar ka tang na paimana banaya hota
roz-e-mamoora-e-duniya mein kharabi hai zafar
aisi basti ko to veerana banaya hota (Bahadur Shah ‘Zafar’)
Frustrated
of the incessant activity of the indifferent society, the
only shelter of the lonely drunkard is the tavern where he
can forget himself, and only solace – the Saki who holds
the cup of his salvation. Saki is the only companion of the
drunkard in this world-cum-tavern who faithfully remains
with him throughout all the ordeals. To Saki, he can lay
bare his self, with whom he can be himself. Saki is the
twin-soul of this drunkard who shares his miseries with
utmost love and care. Saki is the eternal audience to which
the shayar, the perpetual drunkard of the tavern, talk to.
Saki is the sympathetic ear to the unheard pathos of the
shayar. It is no surprise therefore that most of the shayars
have talked to Saki in most flattering terms. Dedicating
gazals to her, they eulogize her beauty, praise her bounties
(in form of sympathy-cum-wine), and crave her very presence
around them. They feel elated and on top of the world by her
simple glance. Mere her presence is enough to turn the
nizam-e-meykhana (the administration of tavern) topsy-turvy.
Then, Saki is not someone serving wine, but a goblet full of
wine herself
magar
usko fareb nargis-e-mastana aata hai
ulatati hai safein, gardish mein jab paimana ata hai (Aatish)
The
drunk shayar is always in the competing spirits with his
companions for the fleeting attention of Saki. Saki is the
everlasting beloved of the drunken shayar whom he craves to
take possession of. A restless soul, he is ever ready to
renounce his possessions, his Faith, his very life at her
mere hint
baat
saki ki na tali jayegi
karke
tauba tor dali jayegi (Habib Jaleel)
ankh
ko jaam samjh baitha tha anjane mein
saakiya hosh kahan tha tere diwane mein (Shamim Shahbadi)
Although,
Saki is more than a beloved, however because of her endless
conceiving as a lover, shabab has been considered in equal
loving veneration by the poets. Owing to its varied
dimensions, shabab too deserves symbolic rather than literal
interpretation. Literally, shabab refers to beauty.
Metaphorically, it may refer to the beauty personified as in
a charming damsel, or worldly pleasures, or even divinity
itself, according to the context. The soul battered by the
torments of the life craves for a delicate touch that may
put the balm of care on the exuding wounds. The sufis had
famously compared god to the beloved, much like the Hindu
conception of God as Krishna, and individual selves as gopis.
As an immanent reality god that exists everywhere, Ameer
Minai vouches for the courage and patience to the eager
soul,
kon
si jaa hai jahan jalwa-e-mashook nahi
shauk-e-deedar agar hai to nazar paida kar
Only
an ignorant would interpret mashook as just lover that would
be doing injustice to the true meaning of the couplet.
Rather than being atheist as his other couplets on narrow
interpretation might suggest, Minai emphasizes the immanence
of divinity instead and advise a tolerant courage to the
seekers.
To
take the symbols, thus, on surface without delving deeper is
completely misreading the Urdu poetry. Since such a practice
would normally be considered churlish and uncouth in other
languages, such is totally ignored while reading Urdu poetry.
Not only the symbols are taken carelessly literal, but are
offensively distorted in the process as well. It is
out-an-out misinterpretation of Urdu poetry which is wholly
unwarranted. To consider it as a compendium of eulogizing
jingles of liquor and beauty by misunderstanding the same is
to defame it. Such an act speaks not the sympathetic concern
of the critics for standards of poetry, but boorishness of
their thought. It tells the narrow-minded chauvinism against
Urdu language as a whole. Such baseless and unfair
condemnation is not only un-poetical, unethical, but
criminal as well. It is like the washing the minds of the
naive readers even before they come to relish Urdu poetry.
It is like playing with their beliefs which they put in the
sayings of such critics.
It
is not that critics, whether lay or professional, are not
aware of such nuances of Urdu poetry. For these are more or
less similar in all the languages. This has nothing to do
anything with the prior knowledge at all. Nor intellectual
competence is required. It is concerned rather with the
attitude, the perspective with which one approaches the
language. It should be honestly admitted now that people do
not as innocently approach Urdu as they do other languages.
Their perspective towards Urdu language is shaped by the
social reality they live in. This social reality which is
politically shaped! And this perspective is disappointingly
biased, unfair and detrimental to urdu language as such. It
wont be insignificant at this point to expose one more
disgusting attitude of the people whereby a language is
linked with the religious identity of the speaker. It is the
most depressing aspect of all this turmoil that people
quickly relate language with the religion. So, a Hindi, by
their view, rightly is of Hindus, Punjabi of Sikhs and Urdu
of Muslims only! Such deeply has ingrained this sordid
belief that people gape with wonder seeing a Hindu speaking
Urdu, or a Muslim discoursing about Sanskrit. This
‘wonder’ often gives me fits! Language is never, never
of religion, or region only. It is of people. It belongs to
people who speak it, whoever or wherever they might be.
Language lives and nourished in the hands of people. Such
wonders are what lead to bigotry and make the world of their
believers small and choking. These wonders, in fact, build
the perspectives from which such misreadings, that we talked
about, ensue. Rather than linguist incompetence, thus, more
socio-political prejudices are responsible for abetting and
spreading such an adverse attitude for Urdu poetry and its
chronic misinterpretation at the hands of ignorant fools.
Unless and until, people come out of the claustrophobic
world of their own language only, honest appreciation of any
other language is not possible. It is incumbent upon people,
therefore, to come forward and save language from such
chauvinist onslaughts. Urdu is as much of Sikhs or Hindus,
as Hindi is of Hindus or Muslims. Unless this general
belongingness is there it appears difficult to stop the
misconceptions lurking in people about Urdu shayari. Instead
of being an apathetic Vaaiz, let people be Saki instead, and
lend a sympathetic ear to the pathos of the Urdu gazal
moaning at her degradation in the hands of bigots. Let
gazals be the sweet voice of heart of shayars, and Urdu
language - pride of nation once again,
Urdu
hai naam jiska yeh humin jante hain Daag
Hindustan mein dhoom hamari zubaan ki hai (Daag Dehlavi)
Gagan
Rism is a research scholar studying in IIT
Bombay, India. For the last 11 years she is writing fiction -
short stories and poetry which have been published in
various journals/anthologies of India. Email- gaganrism@gmail.com
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